New Evidence Says 1994 Chinook Crash into Mull of Kintyre was Deliberate Liquidation of Brit Counterinsurgency Team

28 11 2011

A new article by Finian Cunningham shows 25 counterinsurgency personnel were all put on the doomed chopper.  Trowbridge H. Ford has info the famous incident too. This military crash story relates to many similar unsolved mysteries since then. – F.C.

Britain’s Cover-Up of Inside Job in Fatal RAF Chinook Crash
Evidence points to liquidation of British counterinsurgency team to trick Irish republicans into a defeating political process

by Finian Cunningham

For 17 years the British authorities have lied about the fatal RAF helicopter crash on the Mull of Kintyre in which 25 senior counterinsurgency personnel were killed. Now Global Research reveals new evidence showing that the loss of life was an intentional act of sabotage.

It was the worst single loss of life by Britain’s Royal Air Force since the Second World War. On the evening of 2 June 1994, an RAF Chinook military helicopter slammed into a mountainside on the Mull of Kintyre in thick fog, killing all 29 onboard. Among the dead were four RAF crew and 25 of Britain’s senior counterinsurgency personnel. The latter – including British Army officers and mainly members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary – had overseen Britain’s “dirty war” operations against Irish republican militants during 25 years of conflict in Northern Ireland. . . (more)

AND – –

Chinook helicopter crash at the Mull of Kintrye

By Trowbridge H. Ford

Serious research into the disaster is sadly lacking, and the research into the cause – especially that a sinister used CPLS (Covert Personnel Landing System) explains why the Chinook helicopter crashed into the Hill of Stone.

British counterinsurgency operations, thanks to efforts by the RUC’s Special Branch was finally paying off by the time the Downing Street Declaration was agreed to in December 1993. The Provos were in dire straits. Their funding in Britain and the USA was drying up.

The Quality Street Gang in Manchester, the group which largely paid for the weapons on the Eksund back in October 1987, were now providing leaders in the Irish Republic government with funds to help close down the Troubles.

America had done a similar job on Noraid, closing of money to the Provos so that Gerry Adams was allowed into the States to gather support for Sinn Fein.

Policing the shadows in Northern Ireland – what finally got the SAS, 14 Intelligence Company, the FRU and the SAS to take a definite back seat in the process – was closing down the Provos operations in the province, thanks to the lead that the loyalists were taking against them. The Provos were causing havoc on the main land by the bombing campaign, but the resources and bombers were running out.

In this context, it was hardly surprising that some in the Provo Army Council, especially Martin McGuinness, were sending out messages to people in MI5 aka the Box, particularly John Deverell, about reaching a settlement. Peter Brooke had started this in late 1990, and by 1993, his replacement at Stormont, former hardliner Christopher Mayhew, was pushing it for all it was worth.

Remember Mayhew was willing to provide security cover for the covert operations after the 14 Intelligence Company murdered Francis Bradley in preparation for the Palme assassination, and allowed it and others to continue until the cull of the Provos on The Rock.

Margaret Thatcher’s punishing Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe for allowing apparent Palme assassin, the 14 South Detachment head Captain Simon Hayward, to publish his complaints in Under Fire: My Own Story – which was so embarrassing for the Foreign Office but also Younger’s MoD, causing him to resign in protest – changed all that. While she chose ultimately to resign when her leadership was contested, John Major felt obliged to continue her new course of seeking a settlement with the Provos if at all possible.

Of course, this U-turn had to be hidden as well as possible, and all the established writers did the best they could, especially avoiding anything about the Chinook helicopter crash.

Peter Taylor in the Brits: The Was Against the IRA never even mentioned it while discussing why the PIRA reluctantly announced its cease-fire in August 1994, only that the loyalists were killing twice as many of them. (p. 337)

Mark Urban, who had been so interested in covert ambushes by British forces ever since the Bradley murder, stopped officially his UK Eyes Alpha before the Chinook crash, though he continued commenting on apparent Provos successes afterwards. (See MI5 being allowed to help the police, the Canary Wharf and Army headquarters bombings at Lisburn in 1996.)

One can only wonder why such a one-sided discussion of developments, one which seems to show the Provos’ winning, was recited.

Then Annie Machon and David Shayler in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers go on about all the MI5 and MI6 cockups rather than their finally stopping the discovery and closing down of Phelim Hamill. They say nothing about the Chinook disaster, going on about not catching Cyril McGuinness whose capture could have prevented the Bishopsgate attack in April 1993, and the one on the Israel Embassy just after the downing of the Chinook.

All seems to be smoke to hide something significant.

My theory is that it is all intended to hide Jonathan ‘Bob’ Evans aka Bill Perkins going to Northern Ireland just weeks before the Chinook crash as if it were some kind of punish when, in fact. it was to make sure that affairs there did not ultimately dictate the agenda in Britain. Machon’s doctored description of Evans as still Perkins is still unmistakable.

This is also most evident in Ed Moloney’s A History of the IRA where he sets out to prove how the Provos were laid low by a British tout in the PIRA Council, especially in the capture of the Eksund at Hayward’s expense, only to pay no interest to the downing of the helicopter. He acts as if MI5’s DCI John Deverell – the most important occupant in the helicopter, and whose name he misspells – only started the feelers for a peaceful conclusion to the Troubles, and as if he was no longer involved. (p.259)

And MI5 Director-General Stella Rimington wrote similarly about the disaster, not even mentioning him by name while concentrating upon keeping all the counter terrorists together as one happy family under the circumstance as best she can, and in a role where she has nothing to hide. She entitled the silly book, Open Secret.

I just find this political-counter terrorist vacuum just to convenient to be just accidental. Seems to be quite clearly a cover- up, which one could possible excuse if the crash was the result of pilot error, but it wasn’t, so something else is being covered up.

As I have stated, I believe it was because all the involved police and intelligence people in Northern Ireland who were increasingly committed in achieving a negotiated settlement were killed by their British military opponents.

Ian Phoenix was leader of the RUC contingent, and it was his surveillance unit which identified that Hamill was the Provo operation leader of the Active Service Unit operating in Britain (Phoenix: Policing The Shadows, p. 289) His contact there was Rab Freyers, and they were involved in the Bishopsgate bombing. “The RUC were under immense pressure to counter the Provisional’s attacks in Britain.” (p. 290)

Read the following pages about how they helped break up the Hamill-Freyers ASU while there was growing conflict within the RUC about what they were doing, and the UDA was increasing its ability to cause terror. The Provos got so concerned that they tried to kill the leader of the CID who headed the anti-racketering squad C-13.- what Phoenix’s group prevented despite SAS protests.

The attempted murder was traced to PIRACouncil member Gerry Kelly, though he was not charged, and possibly its was because he and his confident in the attempted murder had become touts.

The process came to a head when Phoenix’s group discovered that MI5, despite the good relation he had with Deverell, was involved in operations that the RUC knew nothing about. Phoenix was convinced that the BOX was taking over the whole security operation – what happened after Phoenix and his like-minded colleagues were killed in the crash.

Seems to me that Phoneix’s group had gotten authority to recruit a new tout within the PIRA council, and was on the way to meet him at the Mull. The only mistake he made was to inform all this to an unnamed trusted friend, and then ask him for his best Barbour jacket so he could meet the windy conditions on the Hill of Stone.

This trusted friend even called Phoenix after his meeting with him where Phoenix explained the agenda for finding a peaceful solution to the Troubles, wishing him “a good weekend. See you Monday.” (p. 332) Seems a bit too contrived under the circumstances, more like one who has establishing an alibi for what was yet to happen.

The Chinook flight was made to look too routine with all these many experts getting on it, as if they were really just on another counter intelligence jaunt, but their opponents, headed by the current Director-General of MI5 knew better, and the flight was brought down on the Hill of Stone while the party they were planning to pitch up heard it in horror.

Who the party is, one can only guess, but mine is Martin McGuinness. And when he digested the fallout of the dire tragedy, he knew that the gig was up, and called for the adoption of the PIRA ceasefire and ultimate adoption of GFA while his more aggressive colleagues continued to carry out their attacks until they realized it too.

Of course, it would have happened without out the mass murder at the Mull of Kintyre but that is the way it often is conspiracies – i. e. they achieve some like the opposite of what they hoped to achieve.





2 responses

28 11 2011

Reading the Global Research article by F. Cunningham Trowbridge H. Ford says:

Really surpised at looking up the personel killed, and there seems to be one more body than the 28 officially on board.

In reading Phoenix, there were nine RUC people on board (Assistant Chief Constable Brian Fitzsimmons and eight other high-ranking Special Branch officials), six MI5 officers, nine British Army intelligence officers (pp. 332-3), and a crew of four (pp. 335-6), making a totaly of 28 (9+6+9+4=28)

So how can the writers then claim that the “..twenty five passengers boarded the helicopter…” (p. 336) And then they wrote of 29 bodies being found on the Hill of Stone (p. 350)

So either an unaccounted for person got on the helicopter to start with or another person was killed at the crash site.


7 01 2014



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