Former British agent set to expose new intelligence boss’s role in infiltration of IRA

11 11 2012

The Observer   [earlier report]

By Jamie Doward

In the back streets of Belfast, Jonathan Evans, the new director-general of MI5, was known as ‘Bob’ to the agents who fed him crucial information that helped lead to the downfall of the IRA.

He cut his teeth in the murky world of bombings, kneecappings and disinformation, where a bad decision could cost the life of an agent or allow a terrorist bomb to reach its target. . . .

http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2007/mar/11/northernireland.immigrationpolicy

. . .  NOW this big fight over outing MI5 goons in a big public trial –

‘Bob’ to be subpoenaed in Fulton case

[snip] . . .  Fulton’s lawyers claim the security service promised him a pension and a new identity. He already has a number of FRU members who have pledged to give evidence corroborating his claims. Last December, the judge hearing the case in the High Court in Belfast ruled that Fulton could call any witness who can provide evidence as to his value as an undercover agent. The Observer understands Fulton’s solicitors will subpoena Evans after their client identified him in the newspapers last week, following the spy chief’s promotion.  . . .

http://sluggerotoole.com/2007/03/11/bob-to-be-subpoenaed-in-fulton-case/

with comment by Trowbridge H. Ford

” . . . .  And regarding ‘MI’s claims about the FRU saving Gerry Adams on several occasions, no one should believe a word of it.
Take the one about the doctored ammunition, for example, where 20 bullets were fired, and Adams was hit four times, as I recall. They penetrated the man’s body, and if the shooting had not been stopped, and Adams rushed to the hospital for emergency surgery, he would have died. Furthermore, the leading assassin John Gregg never mentioned any doubts about the ammo, only regret that he had not killed Adams.   . . . “


oh, and all you sue-happy assassins bugging bloggers over this story:

we invoke  the doctrine of “fair use”. The doctrine of fair use has been codified in section 107 of the copyright law.





MI5 Killers Sabotaged Chinook Helicopter That Crashed at Mull of Kintyre in 1994 Finally Exposed?

4 12 2011

By  Trowbridge H. Ford

 

The fog has never really cleared since an RAF Chinook helicopter crashed through it on the Hill of Stone at the Mull of Kintyre on June 2, 1994, killing all 25 intelligence agents and the crew of four on board while on its way to Fort George in Scotland to attend an annual conference on counter-terrorism.  While the incident is of more recent vintage than Bloody Sunday when British soldiers, especially of the Parachute Regiment, cut down fourteen civilians after shots were fired by unknown parties, the helicopter crash caused 29 victims. In addition, the Army massacre occurred in an area where plans had long been made for meeting some such incident, the crash came as a complete surprise. Ultimately, both incidents were the subject of several inquiries which resulted in quite changing explanations of the tragedies.  The only sure thing is that Bloody Sunday helped usher in direct rule from London while the helicopter crash helped usher it out.

During 1971, the Official and Provisional Irish Republican Armies had established “no-go” areas in Derry, much unlike the situation in Belfast, and much to the British Army’s disgust. London’s introduction of internment without trial earlier had been in the hope of separating the troublemakers from the general Catholic population in the expectation of re-establishing some kind of stability but it wasn’t working in Derry.To deal with the problem, London adopted the plan of Commander Land Forces, Major General Robert Ford, of carrying out a search and control operation for the gunmen while clearing away the barricades.(1) 

In explaining the policy, Ford and lower commanders made it increasingly possible that protesters might be aimed at, and shot in any confrontation over its implementation. This occurred when protesters marched on January 22, 1972 to Magilligan Point to show their opposition to internment Then after the Provisionals shot dead two Royal Irish Constabulary (RUC) police officers, the first in the growing conflict, the British Army tried to prevent a similar march from reaching Derry’s Guildhall Square a week later by employing the First Parachute Regiment to help “scoop up” the troublemakers.

All hell broke loose on January 30th when a crowd of 10,000 protesters started marching on the City Centre, and a group of troublemakers broke off from the main group as it neared it to confront the barricading soldiers. At the same time, stragglers started engaging the Paras who had taken up position on the high wall behind the William Street Presbyterian Church. Then shots were exchanged, six in all, one apparently by the Official IRA, and the other by the British Army, hitting two persons who they falsely claimed to be nail-bombers, and only one of whom was involved in the IRA in the march. Then the military forces behind the barricades, assisted by the Paras, executed a pincer movement against the rioters who were confronting them. In the ensuing melee, a youth was killed in the courtyard of the Rossville Flats.”The other twelve victims of ‘Bloody Sunday’ died elsewhere.” (2) Again, it was a question of who had fired first, if at all on the marchers’ side, and how many rounds.

The tragedy was investigated by Lord Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he rushed to judgment in no uncertain terms on the side of the forces, merely compounding what was seen by almost all as a outright victory for the Provisionals, as direct rule on London soon followed.

The only trouble was that the IRA, instead of sitting on their laurels and waiting for the British chickens to come home to roost, went on the offensive, culminating in their own Bloody Friday which turned the tables back in Britain’s favor. The Official IRA set off a bomb on February 22nd at the Paras’ headquarters in Aldershot, killing five cleaning ladies, an Army chaplain, and a gardener.(3) Then there was a bombing in Derry, and a killing of a young Royal Irish Ranger which caused such blowback against the Officials that they were obliged to call a ceasefire. While the Provisionals were soon obliged to follow suit because of similar mistakes, the whole situation changed for them when they caused Bloody Friday on July 21st – setting of twenty car bombs in Belfast, killing nine people and injuring 130.

Instead of the Provos, and the Brits for that matter, admitting their mistakes, and seriously changing their ways, they just refined them, focusing them more on military targets, and trying to reduce the collateral damage. The battle, consequently, waxed and waned for both sides. The British had the upper hand most of the time, and only losing it when they overplayed their military advantage. This was most obvious during the SAS operations all over the province in the late 1970s after its introduction into South Armagh, Operation ‘RANC’ against selected targets by Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins’ Army after the assassination of Airey Neave,and the cull of Provisionals after the Olof Palme assassination failed to trigger a non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War at the Soviets’ and Gaddafi’s expense. About such shoot-to-kill operations, Father Raymond Murray grimly concluded in The SAS in Ireland that there was no UK solution to the Troubles since the military was on a war footing, and given a license to kill.(4)

Surprisingly, this prediction did not prove to be true, showing once again that even the best informed experts are little better than laymen in predicting the future. Murray’s failure was compounded by the fact that he had relied upon the most involved, dedicated politician in making it, the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. At the Brighton Conservative Party Congress in 1988, the town where she had almost been assassinated just four years earlier, and after the SAS had shot dead those three Provo volunteers at Gibraltar, she declared: “We shall never give up the search for more effective means of defeating the IRA. If the IRA think that they can weary or frighten us, they have made a terrible miscalculation. People sometimes say that it is wrong to use the word ‘never’ in politics. I disagree. Some things are of such fundamental importance that no other word is appropriate. So I say once again today that this Government will never surrender to the IRA. Never.” (5)

Margaret Thatcher proved to be her own political gravedigger in making Murray wrong, and she herself right. It all started when the Prime Minister went berserk when Captain Simon Hayward’s  biography, Under Fire: My Own Story, appeared. Hayward, apparently Olof Palme’s assassin who had subsequently been set-up on a drug-smuggling charge in Sweden to conveniently get him out of the way for the still unsolved crime, had written most bitterly about how the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defense personnel had dealt with his problems there, and now Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe had allowed it all to be made public – what could only arouse questions about what else was going on.(6) Seemingly out of the blue, the Prime Minister sacked the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of Defense George Younger had resigned in protest over Howe’s treatment.

While this profound shake-up was never explained, only crudely covered up by her underlings, and in her autobiography, it had long-term consequences upon her tenure as Prime Minister. Howe, demoted to Leader of the House of Commons, a completely useless post, was most bitter about his treatment, waiting for a chance to get even. The loss of Younger was even more important since he had handled Thatcher’s re-election the last time she was up for party leader. Without Younger, there was no one willing to mobilize support for her, and in a growing political vacuum, she isolated herself even more as her closest adviser on Northern Ireland, Ian Gow, was assassinated in July 1990 in a way which most recalled Airey Neave’s murder.(7) It seemed hardly deserved after the British had allowed the IRA’s last flying column attack on its Derryard outpost to escape without loss after it had killed two soldiers of the King’s Own Scottish Bordereres.

The attack was the long-delayed ‘tet’ offensive, designed to spark an uprising in the North to join the Republic – what had long been delayed by the capture of the Eksund, loaded wíth Libyan weapons for the Provos. Since the SAS culls of their volunteers, culminating with the one on The Rock, the Brits had had to play it cool because they overdid it, losing their prime source in the PIRA Council, aka “Steak Knife”, in the process. He helped organize the booby trap which killed six British soldiers in Lisburn in June 1988, and the Semtex improvised explosive device which killed another eight along the Ballygawley-Omagh Road two months later.

Peter Brooke had taken over as the Northern Ireland Secretary of State by then, and stunned the public on November 1st that if the IRA stopped their violent activities, the Government might well be obliged to negotiate a settlement with it.(8) This was taken by the Provos as a sign of weakness by the British, so they carried out an attack on the mainland, killing 11 Royal Marine bandsmen at Deal, Kent in following September.

The attack on Derryard, near Rosslea, on December 13th proved how wrong they were. The surprise attack by about 20 volunteers from Fermanagh in the Republic was heavily armed with a flamethrower, and two heavy 12.7mm DShK machine guns mounted on armored vehicles. Others with armed with 11 AK-47s and grenades. No sooner had the attack started, Moloney has written, than “…the column itself came under attack. Heavy gunfire was directed at its members from fields about fifty yards away, while a British army Wessex helicopter appeared from nowhere over a nearby hill. the column fled, leaving behind the primed van bomb.” (9)

It was the greatest humiliation that the Provos ever suffered during the Troubles, and this once it could not be blamed on any tout, especially ‘Steak knife”, tipping off the Brits as he had participated in the attack. The British had learned of it by military eavesdropping in Ulster on their preparations. Its ‘Vengeful’ system of computers checked on the movement of vehicles concerned while the ‘Crucible’ one followed the movements of its personnel.(10)

The fallout from the fiasco was so damning that the Provos were obliged most reluctantly to declare a three-day-ceasefire over Christmas – what the media chose to see as a response of Brooke’s offer. (11) This revived peace talks which had been dormant for a decade. Only this time, it was “Steak Knife” himself who was dealing with the leading MI5 official John Deverell in Derry rather than MI6’s Michael Oatley under now the excuse that the PM was still not interested in talking to the Provos because it would be seen as an obvious U-turn by the *Iron Lady’.

Then a ruse had to be invented to get her out of the way, and make her subordinates do the dealing. This was kicked off by the former Foreign Secretary Howe challenging her style of leadership in his famous resignation speech in the Commons on November 13th. This was seen as opening the door for Michael Haseltine, her arch enemy, replacing her – what seemed to be happening when his challenge for the party leadership resulted in a second ballot on the issue. She chose to see it as failing a vote of confidence, and resigned, to everyone’s surprise, as PM. She even tried to stay on without its support, but her colleagues would not hear of such an unprecedented effort. Perhaps, it was just a ruse to show how committed she was against any dealings with the Provisionals.

With the ‘Iron Lady’ out of the way, steps to arrange a settlement gathered pace. The most important one was to hand over the computers systems to the RUC’s Special Branch so that it could stop violent incidents while bringing their perpetrators to account rather than just allowing the covert operators do another ambush or cull. The leader of the new approach was Detective Chief Inspector Ian Phoenix.

He was the last policeman one would expect to get the position – having served nine years in the Parachute Regiment, and well acquainted with its former Commanding Officer Peter Chiswell who in 1982 became Commander, Land Forces, Northern Ireland. Perhaps that was the whole idea behind his appointment. Despite his career during which he had become a Lance Corporal, he had grown tired of struggles, and was most desirous of achieving a peaceful settlement in the province – what led his colleagues in the SAS on more than one occasion to wonder why they were there then. Phoenix even devised an SAS airborne response to another Derryard assault, one which called for the use of no less than eight helicopters.(12) He even suggested the mounting of Tannoys on them, and the playing of Wagner’s “Ride of the Valkyries” if their use had ever become necessary.

The ensuing struggle between peacemakers and warmakers in Northern Ireland has been more complicated then than anyone imagined, especially from the British side. While the Provos were slowly brought along, thanks to the convenient imprisonment of ‘”Steak knife” apparently aka Padraig Wilson so that he would not be assassinated by his more aggressive colleagues, and could bring imprisoned ones along with the peace process, the British were confronted by keeping it officially going by having still a government in Westminster which would endorse it, stopping the infighting by warmakers on the mainland and in the province from continuing their disputes, getting counter insurgency elements in Northern Ireland and on the mainland to go along with a single agenda, and forgetting about complaints all concerned had about changing what they had long been involved in. In all this, despite appearances, Phoenix’s RUC Special Branch group, involved in reducing political terrorism to just another form of domestic crime, was most central to the process.

Unfortunately, it got off to a most counter productive start after Private Lee Clegg, along with fellow soldiers, of the 3rd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment gunned down Martin Peake and Karen Reilly as they sped past a check point in West Belfast on September 30, 1990. The couple from Fermanagh, along with passenger Markiewicz Gorman, were on a joy ride after having stolen a car but the security forces suspected them of being Provo terrorists. Unwisely, the soldiers involved made out that the stolen car had hit Clegg in the process – what was completely demolished when BBC Panorama reporter John Ware discovered that a “… cardboard cut-out dummy of the Astra, decorated with bullet holes, fixed to the wall of the 32 Para’s canteen near Belfast…The caption, on the wall above the dummy…said “VAUXHALL ASTRA: BUILT BY ROBOTS. DRIVEN BY JOY-RIDERS.. STOPPED BY ‘A’ COMPANY.” (13)

The biggest trouble was not only were joy-riders made out to be terrorists, but also Karen Reilly was no Provo volunteer but the adopted daughter, it seems, of RUC policeman, and colleague of Phoenix’s, John Reilly whose wife Diane who had been married to James McGrillen when she had Karen.(14) McGrillen, an IRA volunteer, had been shot dead similarly in 1976 for car theft. While the killing of Peake and Karen Reilly had just been a result of the Paras going after alleged Provo terrorists, the Reillys saw it as the result of Pheonix’s Special Branch going slow on stopping real terrorism, goading the ´Paras to do more. Despite the fact that Ian and Susan Phoenix tried to band with the Reillys over the tragedy, making out that it was simply an accident, and even Ian attending her funeral despite orders against it (15), the Reíllys would not have any of it. Phoenix, it seems, had made a mortal enemy which nothing could undo.

On an institutional level, matters were just as bad in the province and on the mainland because MI5 aka the BOX thought that the RUC was not doing enough to stop Provo terrorism when it was actually doing more despite appearances. MI5 officials were completely turned off when they discovered while on a visit to the province, Phoenix and his agents having a champagne briefing in the morning during which 18 bottles were consumed for an SAS colleague who was leaving (16). Still, the unit, soon upgraded, was providing 80% of the intelligence which was stopping terrorist attacks. The biggest bone of contention between the BOX and Phoenix’s unit was over who was directing the ASUs in Britain which were causing most of the havoc.MI5 believed that it was Sean McNulty in North Shields, and Phoenix’s SB unit thought it was Phelim Hamill of Queen’s University.

The biggest asset Phoenix had in stopping IRA killing was Martin McGartland aka ‘Carol’.(17) McGartland began informing on the activities of ‘H’ whose ASU specialized in booby-trapping cars. Thanks to his leads, Ian’s people prevented a Ulster Defense Regiment soldier from being blown up in North Down, prevented the blowing up of a policeman and a shopping center on November 1, 1990, and then it almost caught ‘H’ red handed with his bomb making factory.In all, McGartland was credited with having saved 50 people from death at the hands of the Provos.Ultimately, ‘Carol’ was captured by the Provos’ Civil Administration Team aka the torturers, and only escaped death by jumping out of a window when they were panicked by a helicopter passing overhead. With his cover blown, McGartland was forced to flee to Britain where he was given a new life as Martin Ashe in Whitley Bay, and £100,000, apparently by MI5.

While the SB unit proved ultimately to be right on the matter, leading to the closing down of Hamill’s ASU in England, MI5 took over control from the Mets’ Special Branch in May 1992 in stopping Provo operations on the mainland.To gain similar control in Northern Ireland, MI5 wanted to have more direct access to its intelligence – what Phoenix complained to its boss about, and he completely agreed, though it didn’t stop. The matter came to a head when the top-secret intelligence conference took place in June 1993 near the Mull of Kintyre at the Machrihanish Air Base in Scotland. “Box claimed that it was not happy,” Phoenix recorded bitterly in his diary, “with the Special Branch’s ‘passage of intelligence’ and ‘would willingly put some of their people in support of us. Kind of them’,”(18) In the spring of 1994, Phoenix discovered that MI5 was carrying out operations which the RUC knew nothing about – what became Standard Operating Procedure after he was no longer there to stop it.(19)

Ian continued his fight against the Security Service by socializing more with the province’s security people, and increasing the unit’s ability to gather intelligence about intended violence through electronic and human sources. On the day before he went to the 1994 top-secret security conference in Fort George, he even got £2,000 for a handler to recruit a new Provo source.(20) Then Ian asked an alleged trusted colleague, apparently Reilly, if he could borrow his best Barbour jacket for the trip as he planned to do some hiking between conference meetings. Ian then met him over coffee, and “they briefly discussed the PIRA peace moves and how they might be pushed forward.”(21) Then he went home at 2 PM to have lunch, and pack for the 5:45 PM from RAF Aldergrove, only to have the Reilly call again. “Have a good weekend. See you Monday.” (22) It seemed a bit contrived, like someone wanting an alibi while being involved in some unknown covert action.

“In an interview hours before the crash, the Head of Special Branch (Bob Fitzsimmons) had told Sunday Times journalist Liam Clarke that Adams was trying to end the violence: ‘However, he questioned Adams’ ability to do so, and believed that a final decision to stop the killing would not be taken until security forces had weakened the terrorist structure.’ ” (23) Seems that Fitzsimmons’ confidence was based upon the security establishment in Northern Ireland having resumed contact with McGartland, and he was on the ground at the Mull of Kintyre to be picked up so that he could be taken to the conference. He would tell it that the Provos were on the ropes, thanks to what he and Phoenix’s people had done – what would be a great embarrassment and set-back to the BOX.

When the Chinook was loaded at Aldergrove, there were 25 security officers on board – ten from the RUC, nine from military intelligence, and six from MI5 – plus a crew of four to fly the machine. After it had been airborne for 13 minutes, its passenger list was put through the shredder for security reasons to help hide what was really going on.(24) Just before impact, the pilots changed the way point (WP) to the one at Corran, removing their immediate position at the Mull of Kintyre from disclosure(25) The flight was then obliged to use a Covert Personnel Locater System (CPLS) where persons on the ground with a portable handset steered the helicopter in for the landing by a UHF radio signal which is received onboard. The only trouble was that it wasn’t the landing pad they wanted but a “vertical corner” which forced it into crashing into the Mull’s Hill of Stone, killing twenty nine people whose bodies were found on the ground.(26)

The person they planned to pick up, apparently Martin McGartland, witnessed the crash and was horrified by it. Instead of the conference being obliged to work on closely with the RUC, especially its SB, it just acknowledged that MI5 ran everything now because there was really no one else. The source who McGartland wanted to develop, whoever it was, didn’t need to be told that the Provos best hopes in a settlement had been greatly reduced by the crash. Little wonder that three months later, after everyone had been consulted on the mainland and back in Ulster, those in prison and those not, the Provos announced their long-awaited ceasefire. Under the circumstances, Prime Minister John Major, who had taken over for Howe when Maggie sacked himl, was quite subdued about the situation, doubting that it would hold up, but it did.

Conditions got worse for McGartland when a board of inquiry reported without pointing the finger at the pilots, only to have two senior RAF officers add just that. The inquest could not come up with any answer either for the crash.

When the sabotaging of the Chinook seemed well and truly buried, MI5’s Director General at the time was allowed the unprecedented liberty of publishing her intelligence memoirs, Open Secret, and, of course, she nothing of substance about it, only that she was most upset about the deaths of the RUC officers, especially that of Bob Firzsimmons, the head of its SB. The names of her own staff lost, particularly that of DCI John Deverell, was never mentioned.

Then Annie Machon, with help from David Shayler, added complete fiction about the confrontation in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers where the RUC was hardly mentioned at all, and its Special Branch and Ian Phoenix never. The struggle with the Provisionals was seen as all a mainland matter, and its slowness in dealing with the challenge timely and properly. The only time Northern Ireland was mentioned in any serious regard was when colleague William Perkins – name changed on orders of MI5, and apparently Jonathan ‘Bob’ Evans who is its Director General – was obliged to go to the province just before the crash, apparently to make the necessary arrangement. There can be no doubt that Perkins is Evans after she wrote this: “He looked much older than his age, 38, as he was almost totally bald on top and had a Zapata mustache, which also dated him.”(27)

The best example of the cover up occurred when Perkins was sent off to Northern Ireland on this note by his head of section: “And what ca we say about Bill? He has had to suffer the double misfortune of being posted to Northern Ireland without his wife and of having broken his right wrist.” (28)

The best evidence of McGartland being the man to be picked up is how the Provos have gone after him, once he became known to the public in the Northeast when the Northumbria police caught him speeding, and discovered who he really is. Provos almost killed him for it in 1999, shooting him six times. By this time, he had written about ‘Carol’s exploits against them, Fifty Dead Men Walking, which was recently made into a successful film, though McGartland didn’t like it.

He did go out of his way to say that the pilots of the Chinook must be cleared, and when judge Lord Philip did just this last July, he was ecstatic on facebook: “True Heroes Place Themselves at Risk for the Benefit of  Others, to save lies. Many of those who died were leading anti-terrorism experts who had made such a valuable contribution to defeating terrorism in Northern Ireland and on the UK mainland.” (29)

Only time will tell if those who sabotaged the Chinook are finally brought to justice.

References
 
1.  Peter Taylor, Brits: The War Against the IRA, p. 85.
2.  Ibid´. p. 99.
3.  Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 111.
4.  p. 454.
5.  Quoted from ibid.
6.  For more, see my article at: http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article5318.html
7.  Paul Routledge, Public Servant, Secret Agent, p. 350ff.
8.  Taylor, op. cit., pp. 313-4.
9.  Moloney, op. cit, p. 334.
10. Tony Geraghty; The Irish War, pp. 158-9.  It is interesting to note that after the book appeared in 1998, and the eaverdropping role in achieving a settlement became better known, Geraghty was prosecuted, and almost sent to prison for discussing these systems which were so important in bringing the Provos to heel.
11. See, e. g., Taylor, p. 315.
12. Jack Holland and Susan Phoenix, Phoenix: Policing The Shadows, pp.249-51.
13. Geraghty, op. cit., p. 104.
14  Ibid, p. 108.
15. Holland and Phoenix, op. cit., pp. 276-7.
16. Ibid., p. 240.
17. For more, see ibid., p. 262ff.
18. Ibid., p. 324.
19. Ibid., p. 326.
20. Ibid., p. 331.
21. Ibid., p. 332.
22. Quoted from ibid.
23. Quoted from Mark Urban, UK Eyes Alpha, p. 277
24. Holland and Phoenix – op. cit., p. 333.
25. Ibid., p. 350.
26. For more, see this link: http://globalresearch/PrintArticle.php?articleId=27828
27. p. 98.
28. Quoted from ibid.
29.  http://www.facebook.com/pages/Agent-Carol-Martin-Marty_McGartland/165603323467348

 






New Evidence Says 1994 Chinook Crash into Mull of Kintyre was Deliberate Liquidation of Brit Counterinsurgency Team

28 11 2011

A new article by Finian Cunningham shows 25 counterinsurgency personnel were all put on the doomed chopper.  Trowbridge H. Ford has info the famous incident too. This military crash story relates to many similar unsolved mysteries since then. – F.C.

Britain’s Cover-Up of Inside Job in Fatal RAF Chinook Crash
Evidence points to liquidation of British counterinsurgency team to trick Irish republicans into a defeating political process

by Finian Cunningham

For 17 years the British authorities have lied about the fatal RAF helicopter crash on the Mull of Kintyre in which 25 senior counterinsurgency personnel were killed. Now Global Research reveals new evidence showing that the loss of life was an intentional act of sabotage.


It was the worst single loss of life by Britain’s Royal Air Force since the Second World War. On the evening of 2 June 1994, an RAF Chinook military helicopter slammed into a mountainside on the Mull of Kintyre in thick fog, killing all 29 onboard. Among the dead were four RAF crew and 25 of Britain’s senior counterinsurgency personnel. The latter – including British Army officers and mainly members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary – had overseen Britain’s “dirty war” operations against Irish republican militants during 25 years of conflict in Northern Ireland. . . (more)

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=27828

AND – –

Chinook helicopter crash at the Mull of Kintrye

By Trowbridge H. Ford

Serious research into the disaster is sadly lacking, and the research into the cause – especially that a sinister used CPLS (Covert Personnel Landing System) explains why the Chinook helicopter crashed into the Hill of Stone.

British counterinsurgency operations, thanks to efforts by the RUC’s Special Branch was finally paying off by the time the Downing Street Declaration was agreed to in December 1993. The Provos were in dire straits. Their funding in Britain and the USA was drying up.

The Quality Street Gang in Manchester, the group which largely paid for the weapons on the Eksund back in October 1987, were now providing leaders in the Irish Republic government with funds to help close down the Troubles.

America had done a similar job on Noraid, closing of money to the Provos so that Gerry Adams was allowed into the States to gather support for Sinn Fein.

Policing the shadows in Northern Ireland – what finally got the SAS, 14 Intelligence Company, the FRU and the SAS to take a definite back seat in the process – was closing down the Provos operations in the province, thanks to the lead that the loyalists were taking against them. The Provos were causing havoc on the main land by the bombing campaign, but the resources and bombers were running out.

In this context, it was hardly surprising that some in the Provo Army Council, especially Martin McGuinness, were sending out messages to people in MI5 aka the Box, particularly John Deverell, about reaching a settlement. Peter Brooke had started this in late 1990, and by 1993, his replacement at Stormont, former hardliner Christopher Mayhew, was pushing it for all it was worth.

Remember Mayhew was willing to provide security cover for the covert operations after the 14 Intelligence Company murdered Francis Bradley in preparation for the Palme assassination, and allowed it and others to continue until the cull of the Provos on The Rock.

Margaret Thatcher’s punishing Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe for allowing apparent Palme assassin, the 14 South Detachment head Captain Simon Hayward, to publish his complaints in Under Fire: My Own Story – which was so embarrassing for the Foreign Office but also Younger’s MoD, causing him to resign in protest – changed all that. While she chose ultimately to resign when her leadership was contested, John Major felt obliged to continue her new course of seeking a settlement with the Provos if at all possible.

Of course, this U-turn had to be hidden as well as possible, and all the established writers did the best they could, especially avoiding anything about the Chinook helicopter crash.

Peter Taylor in the Brits: The Was Against the IRA never even mentioned it while discussing why the PIRA reluctantly announced its cease-fire in August 1994, only that the loyalists were killing twice as many of them. (p. 337)

Mark Urban, who had been so interested in covert ambushes by British forces ever since the Bradley murder, stopped officially his UK Eyes Alpha before the Chinook crash, though he continued commenting on apparent Provos successes afterwards. (See MI5 being allowed to help the police, the Canary Wharf and Army headquarters bombings at Lisburn in 1996.)

One can only wonder why such a one-sided discussion of developments, one which seems to show the Provos’ winning, was recited.

Then Annie Machon and David Shayler in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers go on about all the MI5 and MI6 cockups rather than their finally stopping the discovery and closing down of Phelim Hamill. They say nothing about the Chinook disaster, going on about not catching Cyril McGuinness whose capture could have prevented the Bishopsgate attack in April 1993, and the one on the Israel Embassy just after the downing of the Chinook.

All seems to be smoke to hide something significant.

My theory is that it is all intended to hide Jonathan ‘Bob’ Evans aka Bill Perkins going to Northern Ireland just weeks before the Chinook crash as if it were some kind of punish when, in fact. it was to make sure that affairs there did not ultimately dictate the agenda in Britain. Machon’s doctored description of Evans as still Perkins is still unmistakable.

This is also most evident in Ed Moloney’s A History of the IRA where he sets out to prove how the Provos were laid low by a British tout in the PIRA Council, especially in the capture of the Eksund at Hayward’s expense, only to pay no interest to the downing of the helicopter. He acts as if MI5’s DCI John Deverell – the most important occupant in the helicopter, and whose name he misspells – only started the feelers for a peaceful conclusion to the Troubles, and as if he was no longer involved. (p.259)

And MI5 Director-General Stella Rimington wrote similarly about the disaster, not even mentioning him by name while concentrating upon keeping all the counter terrorists together as one happy family under the circumstance as best she can, and in a role where she has nothing to hide. She entitled the silly book, Open Secret.

I just find this political-counter terrorist vacuum just to convenient to be just accidental. Seems to be quite clearly a cover- up, which one could possible excuse if the crash was the result of pilot error, but it wasn’t, so something else is being covered up.

As I have stated, I believe it was because all the involved police and intelligence people in Northern Ireland who were increasingly committed in achieving a negotiated settlement were killed by their British military opponents.

Ian Phoenix was leader of the RUC contingent, and it was his surveillance unit which identified that Hamill was the Provo operation leader of the Active Service Unit operating in Britain (Phoenix: Policing The Shadows, p. 289) His contact there was Rab Freyers, and they were involved in the Bishopsgate bombing. “The RUC were under immense pressure to counter the Provisional’s attacks in Britain.” (p. 290)

Read the following pages about how they helped break up the Hamill-Freyers ASU while there was growing conflict within the RUC about what they were doing, and the UDA was increasing its ability to cause terror. The Provos got so concerned that they tried to kill the leader of the CID who headed the anti-racketering squad C-13.- what Phoenix’s group prevented despite SAS protests.

The attempted murder was traced to PIRACouncil member Gerry Kelly, though he was not charged, and possibly its was because he and his confident in the attempted murder had become touts.

The process came to a head when Phoenix’s group discovered that MI5, despite the good relation he had with Deverell, was involved in operations that the RUC knew nothing about. Phoenix was convinced that the BOX was taking over the whole security operation – what happened after Phoenix and his like-minded colleagues were killed in the crash.

Seems to me that Phoneix’s group had gotten authority to recruit a new tout within the PIRA council, and was on the way to meet him at the Mull. The only mistake he made was to inform all this to an unnamed trusted friend, and then ask him for his best Barbour jacket so he could meet the windy conditions on the Hill of Stone.

This trusted friend even called Phoenix after his meeting with him where Phoenix explained the agenda for finding a peaceful solution to the Troubles, wishing him “a good weekend. See you Monday.” (p. 332) Seems a bit too contrived under the circumstances, more like one who has establishing an alibi for what was yet to happen.

The Chinook flight was made to look too routine with all these many experts getting on it, as if they were really just on another counter intelligence jaunt, but their opponents, headed by the current Director-General of MI5 knew better, and the flight was brought down on the Hill of Stone while the party they were planning to pitch up heard it in horror.

Who the party is, one can only guess, but mine is Martin McGuinness. And when he digested the fallout of the dire tragedy, he knew that the gig was up, and called for the adoption of the PIRA ceasefire and ultimate adoption of GFA while his more aggressive colleagues continued to carry out their attacks until they realized it too.

Of course, it would have happened without out the mass murder at the Mull of Kintyre but that is the way it often is conspiracies – i. e. they achieve some like the opposite of what they hoped to achieve.

 

 ARTICLE UPDATE