How the Pentagon Broke the Deadlock over the START Treaty & Iran’s Nuclear Ambitions at John Wheeler’s Expense

9 08 2016

[ These items will all be in the news soon as investigators sift deeper into the WikiLeaks files. Trowbridge H. Ford says, ” . . . it’s way past time for the American so-called counter terrorists to seriously investigate what was going on back in 2010-1″.]

How the Pentagon Broke the Deadlock over the START Treaty & Iran’s Nuclear Ambitions at John Wheeler’s Expense

by Trowbridge H. Ford
Jan. 24, 2011

The Obama administration, since its outset, has been in a quandry about how to deal with the world, especially Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea. Should it continue to use the carrot-and-stick approach, as the Bush administration did with a vengeance, or is something more positive required? Thanks to the continuing division within its political leadership of hawks and doves, it has tried sabre-rattling of a covert nature on occasion, and then the helping hand – what Naomi Klein has called disaster capitalism on occasion – in the hope of getting its way, and it has had some success in doing so, but at a continuing human cost, and at a loss of much prestige, though not nearly as much as Bush achieved with his man-made earthquakes in Iran, Pakistan and China, and the massive tsunamis in the Indian Ocean just over six years ago. America has a long tradition of solving serious problems with an excessive use for force.

Ever since the destruction of Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq, Iran has been difficult about explaining its nuclear program, much less opening it up fully to United Nations International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections, fearing that it too might go the route of the Sunni state. The United States government had gone wild for years in declaring that Iraq was a rogue state, set on developing weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and delivery systems which made it a most serious threat to the region and beyond. While Iran’s mullahs wanted to return their country to the Golden Age of Islam, Saddam wanted to mount a nuclear-armed jihad in the Arab world against the Western intruders – what resulted in the most destructive showdown between the two in the Iraq-Iranian War of the 1980s, with Washington prodding and provocating each side along the way. Saddam’s ambitions were perhaps only prevented from becoming a reality by the Israeli aerial bombardment of Iraq’s plutonium-producer reactor at Osirak on June 7, 1981, and then a decade later the aerial destruction of the uranium enrichment facility at the Tuwaitha research center, the conversion plant at Jazirah, the uranium concentrators at Qaim, and the electromagnetic isotope separators (EMIS) at Tarmiya and Shaqat during the opening weeks of NATO’s Operation Desert Storm.(1)

In the wake of Saddam’s defeat, IAEA inspectors – allowed into the country under the terms of the February 1991 armistice – determined not only that Iraq had been involved in constructing a bomb through the enrichment of uranium in all the nondescript buildings it had constructed on the ground which Saddam still had, and was attempting to hide in which EMIS equipment was buried, previously unknown surface laboratories existed, and boxes of files relating to the nuclear program were stored. “At the direction the IAEA, the Iraqí Army demolished, with explosives eight major nuclear facilities that had escaped destruction by the U.S. Air Force.” (2) The defection of Hussein Kamel, the leader of its nuclear program, in the summer of 1995 just continued the bleeding of the program as he provided everything he had brought with him about it. “They disclosed the full extent of Saddam’s nuclear. chemical, and biological efforts as well as his ballistic missile ambitions.” (3) Continued air reconnaissance by the Americans, and UN sanctions against materiel which had a dual purpose did the rest.

Still, given all the money that Saddam was receiving through its oil production, and his political ambitions, America’s hawks believed that he was still seeking a WMD capability. Dick Cheney justified ramping up a war to oust him by claiming that Iraq had already obtained a nuclear capability – relying upon what his son-in-law defector Kamel had allegedly told American intelligence, though it turned out to be just what he had not said.(4) Then it was suspected that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic had smuggled the highly enriched uranium which the Soviets had provided out of the Vinca test laboratory to Iraq during NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign of Kosovo when IAEA inspectors were not allowed to check its presence over alleged fear for their safety. Then George Tenet’s CIA learned that Iraq was seeking strong aluminum tubes of Chinese manufacture which its analysts thought were intended for the separation of enriched uranium somewhere in Iraq.(5) President Bush announced the Iraqis were in the process of obtaining the dangerous centrifuges to the United Nations General Assembly on October 12, 2002.

Washington’s scare tactics – which were now being debated for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee – were apparently shot down, once IAEA inspectors were allowed back into Iraq in December 2002, finding no evidence of any Iraqi uranium enrichment program, and that the tubes were consistent with its well-documented rocket program. IAEA’s Director Mohammed Elbaradei reported to the UN Security Council on January 27, 2003 when the Anglo-American pressure to ramp up a war was reaching fever pitch that “specifications of the aluminum tubes recently sought by Iraq appear to be consistent with reverse engineering of rockets.” (6)

Still, Washington persisted in beating the drums for war by making wild statements about Iraq’s other WMD programs. At the time, the UN’s Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission had 700 inspectors in Iraq, looking for evidence of chemical and biological weapons programs, and its head, Hans Blix, warned against the Iraqi dictator playing “cat and mouse” with them, stating that the destruction of the 1991 war could have been avoided if he had only worked honestly with it. It all went for naught, though, when American Secretary of State Colin Powell solemnly declared to the UN Security Council on February 5, 2003 that not only was Saddam’s tubing for rotors in centrifuges used in enriching uranium but also his biological program was involved in the massive production of anthrax, holding up the famous vial which contained enough spores to wipe out a city like New York.

Little wonder that when the war to oust Saddam’s regime went ahead without a Security Council resolution authorizing it – what was primarily prevented by the leaking of Anglo-American spying upon what non permanent members were thinking and discussing about it – Iran was most relieved to know that it was no longer threatened by Iraq, and was probably no longer a prime target of Washington, especially since the CIA had already provided assistance for it to develop its own nuclear capability to go along with the uranium-enrichment technology, especially a centrifuge cascade, that Pakistan’s A. Q. Khan’s Research Laboratory had been supplying from 1987. Ever since the late 1990’s, CIA agent Jeffrey Sterling had been supplying it with designs of how to make, and the specifications of an atomic bomb, though the plans were doctored so that any finished product would not work. The Russians chipped in with the construction of two nuclear reactors for the generation of electrcity at Bushehr. “It is focused on the development of a nuclear weapons capability” Reed and Stillman concluded in early 2009, “if not the assembly of a weapon itself, within the near future.” (7)

Washington had continued to apply stick to Tehran during the period between the Iraq wars by causing earthquakes in the Manjil-Rudbar region just northwest of Tehran in June 1990, and in the south at Bam while the fallout from Saddam’s ouster was being assessed in December 2003 for fear that Iran might take advantage of the fiasco.(8) Washington’s use of the National Reconnaissance Office’s Misty radar satellite in doing so was pretty much an accident that Danny Stillman, the Intelligence Director at Los Alamos National Laboratory, came up with after its possible use in stopping an ICBM launch by the Soviets during any showdown with the West – what had been anticipated by one with Moscow after the assassination of Sweden’s statsminister Olof Palme on February 28, 1986, but had been spoiled by the rushed attempt by Space Shuttle Challenger in January which prevented it from being put safely into space. By the time that one was put there in 1988, there seemed to be no use for it as the Cold War was just collapsing on its own. It was just on the off-chance that it might cause earthquakes the Soviets had caused in North China during the transition of power during Mao’s death in 1976, and the one at Tabas, along the Afghan border, two years later which helped speed the ouster of the Shah. Little wonder when they and others turned out to be so successful that the current Secretary of Defense spoke so glowing of the physicist who had put his years of nuclear design, diagnostics,and testing to such good use.(9)

Iran’s growing problems and uncertainties resulted in its adopting more devious, increasingly covert means to satisfy them, especially its nuclear ambitions – what Washington always believed was just a ruse to hide its desire to obtain nuclear weapons. As a result, Tehran – while a long-time signatory of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty – was constantly playing “cat and mouse” with IAEA inspectors, unlike Iraq had been, denying them access to suspected sites, thought to be unknown, or breaking IAEA seals on equipment thought to be engaged in the nuclear weapons program when it saw fit, claiming its right to do so under the treaty for the production of nuclear generated electricity. “When developing nuclear weapons,” Reed and Stillman explained, “keep a low profile. Spread the facilities out and bury them; otherwise, someone will come blow them up.” (10) The West is particularly concerned over how big and developed its underground uranium enrichment plant at Natanz is, its development of heavy water production, and reactor plants, and also what …”appear to be planning a deep underground facility appropriate for a nuclear test.” (11)

Washington has been particularly concerned about what is going on at Natanz where the Iranians plan to have 50,000 of Khan’s cascade, centrifuge machines, working at 100,000 rpms, 24/7 to produce the amount of enriched uranium its needs. “This centrifuge hall apears to be built underneath layers of burster slabs; strata of concrete interleaved with soil to defeat penetrating warhead attacks.” (12) Consequently, to render them useless, the West would have to lay waste the surrounding countryside with H-bombs, an unacceptable option. To get round the problem, Washington, and its allies, especially Israel, have sought to learn where other key facilities are located, particular crucial, underground ones, and what new foreign assistance Iran needs to promote the process. To add to the list of probable risks, Reed and Stillman cliamed that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard, similar to Hitler’s SS and Stalin’s KGB in promoting its global ambitions, has taken over its nuclear weapons program.

To add to the uncertainty of what was afoot in Tehran, a laptop, containing apparently important information about Iran’s WMD ambitions, was stolen in 2004 by an Iranian just afer Tehran had been forced to acknowledge its uranium enrichment program, and provided to Western intelligence agencies. It contained drawings of what seemed to be somekind of underground test facility, about 400 meters deep, though it had no mention of it being connected to anything nuclear, and there was no date on them. “The authorship is unknown,” Dafna Linzer explained in “Strong Leads and Dead Ends in Nuclear Case against Iran” in the Washington Post on February 8, 2006, “and there is no evidence of an associated program to acquire, assemble and construct the components of such a site.” (13) The laptop also revealed that Iran might be having Kineya Madon build a small-scale facility to produce uranium gas, and there were plans to convert ballistic missiles so that they could be fitted to nuclear warheads.

Needless to say, the find in the laptop only created more confusion within Western intelligence agencies, with Meir Dagan’s Mossad being sure that it was absolutely true, others, especially the CIA, being less so, and Russia’s SVR rather dubious about it all. Of course, it could be an Iranian version of “The Man Who Never Was” – where MI6 planted fake documents on a corpse, making it look like an important courier, and had a British submarine jettison his body off the Spanish coast in the hope that German intelligence would ultimately be taken in by the ruse. It is quite clear that the Germans were fooled enough by Operation Mincemeat that the next Allied invasions would be in Greece and Sardinia, not Sicily, that it helped result in a significant success, though the unwillingness of defending Italian soldiers anywhere to seriously fight has been underestimated in the process.

To establish that the materials in the laptop were genuine, the DCI, Air Force General Michael Hayden, asked the Pentagon to determine their validity since the Agency had no real humint [human intelligence] capability in Iran, and while the Mossad did, it would serve no good purpose to ask it to find out as it had already made up its mind about them. For the Pentagon to do the job, it would require the use of the Air Force Secretariat, the National Security Agency, CIA, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency, and the Department of Justice to entice a reliable informant out of Iran so that the information he brought with him could answer crucial questions about its nuclear and military ambitions in such an official way that it would not leak back to Tehran, and all those domestically dubious about Iran’s aggressive nuclear intentions would be silenced. The Secretariat included all the Air Force brass at the top so that it could not only see that everything that it was capable of and incapable of doing was done in the process, code named Operation Shakespeare.

To lead Shakespeare, Air Force Secretary Michael Wynne selected his special assistant, John P. Wheeler III, a most distinguished graduate of not only West Point, but also an MBA from Harvard to help run the Pentagon, and a law degree from Yale after he retired from the Army after having served on the military staff in Saigon where the losses of men had pushed him to the edge of a nervous breakdown. After he retired from the Army, he held high management positions in the private sector, and was most influential in getting Congress to build the Vietnam War Memorial despite all the negative feelings over having fought the losing war before returning to the Pentagon in 2005. “His mission was to carry out tasks and monitor programs in support of goals as directed, and support the Air Force Secretariat with data gathering, team organization, liaison, analysis and/or options for action” (14) – just what the operation called for.

Shakespeare was an operational success, too successful for Wheeler’s own good, though it failed to discover any evidence from Iran that it sought, Tehran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. The operation started in Yardley, Pennsylvania in April 2004, and was ultimately based in Wilmington. Delaware, so that the Justice Department’s Attorney there David Hall could be close to where Wheeler lived in New Castle. ICE agents finally established a plan to entrap Iranian arms smuggler Amir Hussein Aldabili in Tbilisi, Georgia on October 1, 2007 when he came there with his father in the hope of gaining weapons contracts in Europe, especially Germany, through a compromised agent there, using the code name “Darius”. Once there, the ICE agents soon captured him and his more important laptop, though fearing all along that the operation had been compromised by Iran’s Savak.

NSA supplied a Forensic Toolkit to analyze the laptop’s file properties after it came to the States. It can examine files on the hard drive to determine if there has been unauthorized activity, scan for hidden files and erased ones, and list access times to them. ICE agents even called Washington to determine if there was evidence of Aldabili seeking nuclear technology so that they could induce him to incriminate himself while undergoing interrogation in Tbilisi. The Pentagon sent a squad to Philadelphia to look for signs of nuclear weapons maintenance in the laptop files. When nothing of this nature was found, and Aldabili refused to incriminate himself in any way, Hayden’s CIA agreed in January for him to be rendered back to the States in one of its G-4 planes, arriving at New Castle’s tiny airport, after one a.m., Sunday morning, January 27, 2008.(15)

Given the failure of Operation Shakespeare to find the proverbial smoking gun when it came to Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons program, it was hardly surprising that Washington soon settled for punishing China for its apparent uranium help in making Tehran an unpredictable nuclear power. China’s indictment is all laid out by Reed and Stillman, making out that Iran is simply Beijing’s well-paid mercenary which may well set off some dirty bomb in a place like New York City to promote Beijing’s alleged ambitions: “Radical Muslim terror is not a problem for China; to some in Beijing, it may be seen as the route to China’s hegemonic future,” (16) Beijing, it seems, is only assuming a low profile now against the United States militarily, waiting to pick up the pieces after Washington is falling apart because of nuclear surprises, economic difficulties, and political isolation.

The punishment was the Sichuan earthquake in May 2008, and a devastating cyclone in Burma for good measure to remind its junta of the risks in following either Iran or North Korea. The Air Force Secretariat well camouflaged the man-made earthquake where Deng Xiaoping built its new nuclear complex, largely underground during the 1980s, by acting as if its last remaining Misty radar satellite had to be brought down by the US Navy to prevent widespread nuclear contamination upon reentry into the earth’s atmosphere – what was compounded by its debris apparently causing a piece of the runway to break loose, and a B-2 bomber to crash upon takeoff from Guam shortly thereafter (17) – prosecuting plasma expert J. Reece Roth for allegedly helping China defend against such a surprise, and it was itself under a cloud for more routine operational mistakes during the process.(18) Wheeler, of course, was widely involved in helping Wynne with it, and retired with him in June 2008 when the debris from the massive disasters had essentially settled. The earthquake was most suitable punishment, as Reed and Stillman explained, since its Communist Party Congress the previous October had “… re-installed Hu Jintao as party leader with a writ running to 2012…”(19) Hu, it seems, is the covert driver of the runaway nuclear express train.

While President-elect Barack Obama – like his predecessors G.H.W. Bush, William Clinton, and G.W. Bush – was slow to resort to such devastating means to fight the new cold war, he kept or put in place officials to do it if necessary, especially retaining G.W.’s SoD Robert Gates, Secretary of the Air Force Michael B. Donley, NSA Director Keith Alexander, and even Wheeler himself for continuity as the unlikely special assistant to the Acting Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for Installations, Logistics and Energy, and making Leon Panetta, Clinton’s former Chief of Staff, the DCI, and Eric Holder, former Clinton Assistant Attorney General, his top law officer. Actually, the new Director of National Intelligence, Admiral Dennis Blair, proved again so openly hostile to China – as he had as Commander of the Pacific Fleet that former SoD Donald Rumsfeld had no further use of him – and fought so bitterly with Panetta over control of such operations that he was sacked for fear that he would alert Beijing and its allies of what might be afoot.

The Obama administration was in no hurry to do anything drastic about Iran’s alleged development of nuclear weapons, believing that the sanctions that Operation Shakespeare was developing would do the job while it had much more important matters to deal with, especially with Russia in the Caucasus, and China in North Korea. Iran didn’t even know about what really happened to Aldabili until his trial, and sentencing in prison for five years was finally disclosed in January 2010. Until then, Tehran suspected that he might have defected, but the CIA release of his filmed entrapment ended all that. Still, Wheeler saw to the release of information from his laptop which showed just how much even the federal government had assisted its getting round the sanctions. In March, The New York Times published an analysis which showed that Washington had supplied American companies with $107 billion to do business with Iran in one way or another – prompting Washington to tighten the sanctions by the UN even further in June, and adopting more of its own, along with Australia, Canada, and the EU, in July.

About it all, Steven E. Miller, director of Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, said scathingly: “Restricting of a few dozen additional companies, would seem like a thin reed on which to base a policy. I think that by default we end up with sanctions because we don’t know what else to do.” (20)

The considerable reduction of the Democratic majority in the Senate in the November elections – what placed passage of a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) in serious jeopardy – changed all that. The losses assured that the new Congress would never have enough votes to secure passage, and without Russia on board in reducing nuclear weapons and proliferation, the nuclear express, to use Reed and Stillman’s metaphor, was bound to go hopelessly out of control. “The presidents of the United States and Russia,” Reed and Stillman concluded, “must return this problem to the top of their agendas. It must become the business of the Russian people to enforce these controls. They must not allow their bureaucrats or bandits to interfere or obstruct. The stakes are too. high.” (21)

To make sure that Washington did not succumb to similar corrupt interests, the CIA assassinated Iranian nuclear scientists Majid Shahriani and Dr. Fereydoon Abbasi, the alleged head of Iran’s nuclear weapons program, in late November, the former dying in the bomb attacks. Then the Pentagon, undoubtedly with Wheeler’s cyberwar help, and the Israelis damaged Iran’s nuclear enrichment centrifuges with the Stuxnet worm, allegedly ruining or damaging one/fifth of them by making them spin way more than the required 100,000 rps, while their observers were hidden from what was going on. The number of centrifuges concerned could be anywhere between 10,000 and 50,000. Even if these operations had been fully successful, they would have set back any real Iranian pursuit of nuclear weapons only a few months, hardly anything to make the Senate Republican leadership, especially Mitch McConnell, Jon Kyl, and John McCain, change their opposition to the START treaty.

To make them do so, the National Reconnaissance Office caused a 5.3 earthquake near Hossiannabad, Iran on December 20, 2010 with its latest laser satellite, and where Iranian engineers had been constructing the 400-meter-long, underground shaft where it intended to test its first nuclear device, causing it to completely collapse, setting back its program for about another five years. The satellite’s power had been hidden as best it could by Reed and Stillman claiming that satellites, with their photographic and signal intelligence, had no role to play in discovering Iran’s war machine (22), when, in fact, they were just what the doctor ordered by their ability, especially at night when the earthquake occurred, of discovering where engineers were opening up the earth’s surface for some covert purpose, and then covering it up as best they could – what resulted in the satellite shooting back beams until the whole shaft crumbled.

The destruction of the test shaft had the desired effect upon still undecided Republican Senators, inducing them to throw their support behind the White House’s demand for the passage of START the very next day.

The only serious risk in doing so was the exposure of Wheeler’s role in the whole process: from the entrapment of Aldabili, through the imposition of growing sanctions against Tehran, to the build up of sabotage to obtain success, culminating in the earthquake. Wheeler’s role was made fairly clear by just reading John Shiffman’s eight-part series in The Philadelphia Inquirer which appeared in September. Aldabili’s being rendered from Georgia to the tiny airport at New Castle where Wheeler lived early one Sunday morning in January 2008 could hardly leave any doubt about his role, as Shiffman recounted: “As the G-4 taxied, the agents looked and saw not just the expected security team in bullet proof vests, but also the brass in suits, even the U. S. Attorney.” For good measure, Shiffman added that Shakespeare’s director was now involved in even bigger stings with Albabili’s files with its operational leader in Philadelphia: “The friend, as always, answered with enthusiasm.The case sounded righteous. He promised to get there straightaway.” (23)

Once the earthquake occurred, Savak agents, it seems, got on Wheeler’s trail, and once they caught up with him in Wilmington after Christmas, they drugged him, and then stole his Blackberry, brief case, and mobile phone to check if they had the right man. Wheeler, of course, was desperately looking for what had been stolen when he regained some kind of composure in the hope of preventing its disclosure to America’s enemies, especially Iran, explaining why he was increasingly disoriented and disheveled in the process while refusing to seek any police help. Once the agents determined that Wheeler was their man, they captured him again, probably at his own residence in New Castle where they tortured him until he had revealed everything he knew about, particularly, it seems, information that he had hidden under the kitchen floor. Then the agents apparently slit his throat, and dropped his body into a dumpster which would soon take it to Wilmington’s landfill where it would disappear forever.

It was only by chance that the dumpster driver spotted his body when he emptied its contents.


1. Thomas C. Reed and Danny B. Stillman, The Nuclear Express: A Political History of the Bomb and its Proliferation, pp. 280-1.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
5. Reed and Stillman, op. cit., p. 282.
6. Quoted from ibid., p. 283.
7. Ibid., p. 294.
8. For more of this, see this link:
9. On the back of dustjack to Reed’s and Stillman’s book, Gates is quoted: “(Stillman’s) ability to adapt the latest advances in science to solve unmanageable problems and to analyze foreign technologies made him an invaluable asset to the Intelligence Community.”
10. Ibid., p. 292.
11. Ibid., p. 293.
12. Ibid.,´p. 294.
15. For more on Operation Shakespeare, see John Shiffman’s eight-part series in The Philadelphia Inquirer last fall at this link:
16. Op. cit., p. 329.
18. For more, see these links.
19. Op. cit., p. 319.
21. Op,.cit., 323.
22. Ibid., p. 327
23. Op. cit.


original –

See also Glimpses of America’s Man-Made Disasters

and   The History of the NRO


What A.G. Lynch Learned From Bill on That Plane This Week

6 07 2016

Posted today

(Anon. source but knowledgeable)

Seems that James Comey’s service as a legal assistant on the Senate Whitewater Committee has come back to haunt him since he has publicly announced that Hillary Clinton cannot be prosecuted for her mislhndling of secret information which went back to former DCI [Director of Central Intelligence] John Deutch being prematurely pardoned for doing the same thing just when Bill Clinton was leaving office in January 2001.
Deutch, a scientist from MIT, was most unprepared for the position, was so inundated with information about Clinton’s role in Iran-Contra, much of which concerned leaks from the Committee, apparently that Comey helped provide, that he was even taking it home on all kinds of electrical devices.

Once the DCI learned what was going on,he threatened to make noise about it, but he was abruptly sacked before he could do so.

When the whole scandal continued, Janet Reno’s Justice Department started making a case to punish him for being involved.

At this point, her deputy and subsequently Obama’s first Attorney General, Eric Holder intervened, forcing him to not only prematurely pardon Deutch, but also many others, especially Israeli dirty tricks facilitator Mark Rich and also Adolf ‘Al’ Schwimmer whose efforts to sneak 80 HAWK missiles through Sweden illegally [which] resulted in its PM Olof Palme being assassinated for having stopped the shipment which threatened President Reagan’s removal from office.

Holder knew that the problems with the Clinton were a massive train wreck waiting to happen, so he left before it did, but his replacement, Loretta Lynch. didn’t know, so she had to be filled in about the problems, resulting in that meeting between them on her plane.

Quite obviously she passed the problem on to Comey, and he made his unprecedented statement about there being no precedent for prosecuting her when there was the precedent of pardoning Deutch too.
Until at least the November election, this mess is going to continue to spiral out of control.






The Unsolved Murder of Yale Student Suzanne Jovin‏

23 01 2015

   Getting Away With Suzanne Jovin’s Murder Was Osama Bin Laden’s Biggest Coup:
Helps Explain His Own Belated Murder And The  Disposal Of His Body At Sea

Trowbridge Ford

While almost everyone has heard now of Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda, it was certainly not the case a generation ago.  Terrorism was essentially an intrastate problem where some religious or ethnic group was having to deal with an autocracy, particularly ones created by collapsing empires, especially Russia’s.

This condition started to change radically in the wake of the Lockerbie disaster when Muammar Gaddafi and various Muslims called for a holy war against the West in response. To divert attention away from London and Washington because of its fallout from trying to blame their assassination of Sweden’s Olof Palme for a,non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War with the Soviets, they  contrived to blame Libya for the disaster, and it responded in kind.

Given this inter-state confrontation, Osama contrived to make it look like the Muslim Brotherhood, headed by blind cleric Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, was behind the 1993 truck bombing  of New York’s World Trade Center (WTC) when it really was Khalid Sheikh Mohammed who was because he soon became Al Qaeda’s operations chief.  The truck bombing probably would have brought down the WTC if the bomb has been placed just a bit closer to the main support of the North Tower.

For Western ignorance in all this, read expert Mark Riebing’s Wedge: The Secret War Between The FBI and CIA, and Mark Urban’s, UK Eyes Alpha, noting that there is no mention of Osama, Al Qaeda, and Sheikh Khalid in all this.

In light of this near triumph, Osama decided to take out Gaddafi’s regime, using another surrogate, its Islamic Fighting Group aka as FIG – what Britain’s frustrated operators in covert government, particularly MI6 aka SIS, had been pining for ever since Margaret Thatcher’s self-inflicted fall.  They were most eager to recruit leaders in IFG as double agents and fund their operations, especially those of TUNWORTH apparently aka Abu Ahmed Khattala and/ Abu Anas Al-libi aka Al-Liby.

There is no question that Al-Liby is TUNWORTH to start with, as Annie Machon identified him as such in her book,  Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers, in its Index, p. 383 – what the censors overlooked when they obliged her to black out his name in the text.  About what he would achieve in their efforts to assassinate Gaddafi, Machon listed obtaining vast Libyan funds to fund Al Qaeda terrorism like the 9/11 attacks, control and destabilize world oil prices, and not only an increased ability to attack Israel security, but also that of the world at large.  (p. 283)

Fortunately, the assassination attempt in February-March 1996 near Sirte failed because the IFG terrorists attacked the wrong vehicle, but its organizers still considered it a success because MI6’s TUNWORTH had somehow managed to escape in James Bond fashion – what was important because it allowed him secretly to work for friend and foe alike. Britain improved his capability by allowing him to escape from where he lived in Manchester, conveniently finding all kinds of terrorist equip,meant there after his departure. He and all his associates, like the 9/11 suicide bombers, had no  trouble entering and leaving the USA whenever they wanted because they were not on any watch list.

The leaking by the former MI5 agent, especially about the actions by her former lover, MI6 agent David Shayler, abruptly ended there, the rest of the book devoted to their troubles in leaking these details and others to authorities and the media.  While the IFG was licking its wounds from the joint assassination attempt on the Libyan leader’s life, there is nothing about the IFG’s car bomb attacks on the US Embassies in Nairobi and Dars es Salaam in early August 1998. The attacks were intended to show that Al Qaeda and its associates were again focused on hitting targets in Africa, and impeachment-plagued President Clinton took the bait, hitting with missiles locations where Osama was allegedly located in Afghanistan, and a drug factory in the Sudan, allegedly making poison weapons for him.

By this time, Gaddafi had learned what was afoot, and had gotten in February 1998 Interpol to release an arrest warrant for Osama for the killing by the IFG of two German agents n Sirte in 1994, and tried to show that he had done his best in disarming TUNWORTH   by having Libyan TV announce on November 25th that Abdullah Radwan, a partner of the IFG’s leader Abu Abdullah Sadig, was TUNWORTH. He had been identified by film attacking Gaddafi for money from Britain, and had died during the attack or shortly thereafter.

This created a most delicate situation for Al Qaeda.  Khalid was most afraid that any unexpected reports, especially about his scouts Khalid Al-Mihdhar and Mohammed Atta, would tip off Washington that Al Qaeda was again looking into destroying the WTC.  The IFG was opposed to using Al-Liby because he was allegedly dead, and any report to the contrary would force the CIA to break the “third party’ rule about it, forcing  the FBI to investigate where he was, and what he was doing. As a result, the IFG , it seems, selected Khattala, another plotter in the embassy bombings, to take his place as its leading assassin.

It is here that Suzanne Jovin, a Yale senior who was looking to advance her career after graduation. She and several of her classmates, particularly Dalia Hochman, took the Graduate Record Exam, in the early fall, and they both were surprised by how irrelevant it was about what was going on in the world, especially acts of terrorism like the Lockerbie disaster, its blowback, the bomb attack on the WTC, and the growing violence in the UK by both sides – what they also found in the literature they had been studying for it, like the books by Riebling and Urban. Consequently, they started identifying their inadequacies in the hope of coming up with possible topics for their senior theses.

Jovin selected Osama bin Laden, and started questioning faculty and students about him – and soon infiltrated its Muslim Student Association, and she learned from most revealing leaks that he was again in the process of attacking the WTC and other important buildings in Washington, only this time he was going to use hijacked airliners by suicide bombers.  These leaks explain why she was changing the drafts of her thesis for her supervisor, James van de Velde, and why she was looking for the books that she and Hochman had been critically analyzing on the night she was murdered.  It seems she was picked up on Prospect Street on the basis of the false story of where they could be found, only to be taken to the site where she was brutally murdered, apparently by Khattala.

The police and intelligence community did not investigate it in a way it deserved, waiting for those who knew about it, particularly Hochman, and those who witnessed it to solve it for them.

Its success was almost immediately demonstrated by Clinton, who was most concerned about what was going on, ordering another missile strike in Afghanistan in the hope of finally killing Osama, but it failed.

“In the spring of 1999, bin Laden and his  chief… worked out a plan to bring their war to the doorstep of the enemy.  Using large commercial airliners, they would in one swoop bring mass destruction to America’s financial, political and military centers…” (Quoted from James Bamford, The Shadow Factory, p. 11.)

The biggest sufferer over her murder, besides, of course, her parents, was Dalia whose life became such a nightmare that she gave up any plans presented to continue in international relations, and forgot all she could about her years at Yale and New Haven.

Osama, by now Al Qaeda’s figurehead, was only killed in  May 2011 just after Leon Panetta, the retiring Director of Central Intelligence, was moving to the the Pentagon.  Panetta did not want anyone to know how badly he dropped the ball when Jovin was assassinated when he was Clinton’s Chief of Staff.

He was much more interested in killing me for complaining about the White House’s most favorable treatment of Nixon, former DCI Richard Helms, and Al ‘Deep Throat’ Haig than the murderers of Suzanne.



America’s Secret Wars Among Its Intelligence Agencies Since NSA’s Inception

6 09 2012

By Trowbridge H. Ford

Why Relations Despite the Scandals Didn’t Change Much between Watergate and the 9/11 Bombings 

The 9/11 attacks gave the FBI its biggest black eye in its history. While it had been starved of intelligence about the planned suicide bombing, and cut out of any response because of the belated disclosure of the spying by agent Robert Hanssen for the Soviets for fear that it would somehow be leaked, the Bureau was still in the process of handing over the new leadership to Robert Mueller – delegating the domestic response to any such problems to the CIA which was most eager to regain the lead in the country’s response to terrorism anywhere.  Without any really important National Security Agency (NSA) intercepts of the messages the suicide bombers were exchanging in preparation for the attacks, the FBI had little chance of connecting the signal intelligence dots of what was afoot, especially since it had forced the retirement of its leading counter-terrorist spook, John O’Neill.(1) The planned response was, consequently, most ham-fisted with fifteen unarmed CIA agents, under the direction of Solicitor General Ted Olson’s wife Barbara, it seems,  trying to play copper with the 19 hijackers when they were dedicated to killing everyone they could, especially themselves.  The only reason that the Bureau wasn’t blamed more for the fiasco was because its causes were not easily discernible.(2)
The root of the problem went back to the NSA’s near paranoia about anyone without a need to know, knowing of its very existence, much less its product, particularly since Director J. Edgar Hoover would not provide cover for its work. It had been that way since its inception, and it only got worse when it was caught out in the Watergate scandal, thanks to the investigation of Frank Church’s Senate Intelligence Committee, that it had been eavesdropping illegally on private individuals through telecommunication companies for any information which might be relevant for it and any related agencies doing that work fully.  “Pushed by Church,” James Bamford has written in Body of Secrets, “the committee voted to make its report public – over NSA’s vehement objections, and to the greatest displeasure of its Republican members.” (p. 439)  In the process, its Director, General Lew Allen was forced to resign, and the agency was obliged to live with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act which made any such eavesdropping illegal, being now required to obtain a warrant from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court if it wanted to listen to the communications of American citizens and permanent residents within the United States.
Of course, this made NSA the Bureau’s official master in domestic matters, as it was expected to get some kind of input from the Bureau before any domestic eavesdropping. This restriction was impossible for NSA to maintain, given its worldwide capability to tap micro-wave messages, and to eavesdrop on what was going on in foreign embassies when it came to American residents.  While the problem only surfaced when important Americans were involved, it was responsible for an increased sense of paranoia within the agency, leading its leadership constantly to be concerned about possible leaks.  This was best illustrated when Vice Admiral Bobby Ray Inman was Director, going wild when the media, especially The New York Times, leaked information about Illinois Congressman Edward Derwinski being investigated for tipping off South Korean officials that its top spook in New York was about to defect by NSA monitoring his calls to Seoul (ibid.,October 27, 1977 issue), and President Carter’s brother, Billy, was working as a business agent for´Gadaffi’s Libyan government, aka Billygate, in the same fashion. (Bamford, pp. 380-1)
To avoid such embarrassment and controversy, future Directors became even more secretive and  most devious about what was going on.  NSA Director Air Force
General Lincoln Faurer, Inman’s successor, become so concerned about details leaking out about Reagan’s covert government intruding into Swedish waters that he had Airman David Helmer defect to Stockholm in February 1984 so that there would be no paper trail about what his mission was. Hemler had a top-secret clearance, and was stationed in Augsburg, Germany in its elite 6913 Electronic Security Squadron which knew all about signal intelligence communication in the Baltic,  He told Swedish security what he apparently knew about what had been going on  – what reinforced what statsminister Olof Palme’s opponents, particularly Conservative Party leader Carl Bildt, had engaged in, especially sending the previous October a most provocative diplomatic note about it to Moscow. (3) Faurer added to the ruse by having John Lehman’s US Navy send more attack submarines into the area to keep the ploy going.(4)
When Faurer learned, though, that the Reagan administration was serious about using it in a non-nuclear showdown with Moscow to end the Cold War at Sweden’s expense, he resigned, only to be replaced by a more hard-line, covert operator, Army Lieutenant General William Odom. He had served as NSA Zbig Brzezinski’s military assistant during the Carter administration, and was most noted for wanting to roll back Soviet power and influence across the board. Odom was obsessed by the potential leaking of NSA secrets by its personnel, earning the sobriquet Captain Queeg among his subordinates, and even considered the President to be the biggest offender by divulging its secrets in covert operations.
Little wonder that when Ollie North wanted to do this in spades while working for Reagan NSA Bud McFarlane that Odom gave him what help he could to achieve the task.
Odom ordered John Wobensmith of its Information Systems Security Directorate to give North whatever help he needed, including two of its KY-40 scramblers.- what he did without North having to sign a receipt for having gotten them. The lap-top computers contained “…secure encryption chips so that he and his fellow conspirators could communicate secretly via e-mail while traveling.” (Bamford, p. 391) An additional benefit was that it would be carried on without NSA having a clue about what was happening. The lap-tops were the crucial component of North’s “FLASH” communication network would get round all the red tape required by official institutions, and permit his operatives to do missions like capturing the Palestinian terrorists who killed Leon Klinghofer on board the Achille Lauro (5) to making Palme pay with his life for having stopped the transfer of arms for Tehran in exchange for the release of American hostages held by Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Of course, when Palme was assassinated, but the Soviets were not shown to have apparently done it, thanks to Moscow having been tipped off about the set up by the spies it had developed, and the countermeasures it had taken against any surprises triggering the planned non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War, all kinds of considerations became sensitive, and then alarming when Iran-Contra began unravelling.  It was then that Director Odom became particularly worried about using information NSA had about Libya’s alleged bombing of La Belle discotheque in West Berlin on April 5, 1986 for a retaliatory attack on Gaddafi’s capital Tripoli for fear that it would lead to what had happened in Stockholm the previous February 28th. Then when the C-123 carrying arms for the Contras was shot down over Nicaragua in the fall, the concerns resulted in murders of dangerous participants or their being forgotten about, especially the spies still unrevealed, destruction of key evidence about the plots, and defusing damaging evidence by rendering its sources immune from prosecution – what required the most strenuous efforts by the NSA and others.
The strain was immediately demonstrated when North put the highest priority on destroying incriminating evidence.  He was shedding all the evidence he could lay his hands on in his office and that of the National Security Council, only to have his former boss, McFarlane, remind him of an even more important chore: “I hope to daylights that someone has been purging the NSA files on this episode.” (6)  This problem was greatly complicated by the fact that NSA had not given North’s people just two KY.40 scamblers but fifteen KL-43 encryption devices whose codes had been changed every month, and had recorded everything they transmitted.The prospect of retrieving all the devices, and discovering what was within them made the possibility of what had really gone on most remote. In addition, the PROF notes between North and the new NSA Admiral John Poindexter about the operation were destroyed, but they had been copied by the agency’s computer system, and were ultimately discovered.
Then there was all kinds of intercepts that NSA had normally collected from around the world. The fleet of attack submarines, especially the Parche, SSN-683, which had been moving into position to sink Soviet hunter and boomer subs, once they started moving into launch position after the surprise assassination of Sweden’s statsminster had occurred –  had created a vast amount of communications which would become really troublesome if the real cause of Iran-Contra’s illegalities came into focus. The double agents that the CIA had developed in the USSR during Operation Courtship to pin the set up on Moscow would become serious if any investigators suspected so. Also there was all the data which had been collected by the monitoring device that technician spy TAW had placed on the KGB communication center southward of Moscow, and what operation ABSORB disclosed about the movement of ICBMs along the Trans-Siberian railroad in preparation for a first strike upon America.(7)  
Then Director Odom tried to pin the blame on Wobensmith for North’s people having the KY-40 lap-tops. Wobensmith claimed that Odom was so positive about helping that he did not even make North sign receipts when receiving them. Two years later, Wobensmith was suspended without pay for fifteen days by a NSA superior because of the oversight. and not instructing North how to properly use them, but an appeals board recommended that it be reversed and Webensmith reimbursed for his legal fees – what incensed Odom. “He believed that Wobensmith was responsible for casting the agency into the public spotlight, a rare and unforgivable sin in NSA’s secret city.”(Bamford, p.391).  As a result, he only received $1,229 for his legal fees, and was demoted in rank.
By scapegoating Wobensmith, Odom made it easier for the agency to keep Special Counsel Walsh investigating Iran-Contra at arm’s length. While Walsh  was finally able to obtain over 100,000 pages of classified documents to begin trying defendants in the conspiracy, their success depended largely upon their use in the trail – what NSA General Counsel Elizabeth Rinskopf doggedly opposed.  “Her concern was not only the preservation of intelligence sources, but also the protection of her agency from embarrassment.” (Bamford, p. 176) She insisted, for example, that McFarlane’s message to North in his PROf notes, about wanting the NSA traffic files purged, be redacted. More important, Walsh had to resort to various expedients to hide NSA being the source of information most germane to successful prosecutions of the conspiracy and diversion charges in North’s indictment, but Attorney General Richard Thornburgh refused to go along with the scheme – what Bamford, by then the author of The Puzzle Palace about NSA, surprisingly explained on national TV was required to maintain its secret intelligence capability.
With NSA’s role in Iran-Contra being effectively covered up, it was passed time for Odom to go, and he was replaced by Office of Naval Intelligence Director Vice Admiral William Studeman who was a soft-spoken copy of the former director.
 In taking leave, though, Odom could not restrain himself from leaking more secret information by comparing .the Agency with his agency:  “The CIA is good at stealing a memo off a prime minister’s desk, but they’re not much good at anything else.” (Quoted from Body…, p. 474.) This was obviously a reference to stealing Palme’s agenda in October 1985 for his scheduled meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev in April 1986 – what allegedly included establishing a non-nuclear weapons zone in Scandinavia, and what was used by William Casey’s CIA to justify his assassination.  CIA resident in Stockholm Jennone Walker apparently got MI6 agent E. D.´Mack´ Falkirk in Oslo to steal the document. 
The only problem with the theft was that it did not trigger a non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War at Palme’s expense – that was achieved by the Anglo-American leaders with Gorbachev themselves after the set up fizzled out because of countermeasures that Moscow took for the intended surprise, thanks to its spies around Washington.
During the next decade after the collapse of the USSR, the struggle within America’s intelligence community was plagued by ferreting out the spies, especially CIA’s Aldrich ‘Rick’ Ames, a process so damaging that it almost ended the Agency’s existence while the Bureau was increasingly taking the lead in fighting terrorism, even overseas, thanks to copper Louis Freeh becoming its Director, and the wake up call it had received because of the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in February 1993. The impact on NSA was devastating because of the continuous reduction of its enormous size, and a peacetime mission in a growing world economy, as Air Force Director General Kenneth Minihan discovered. The Bureau went wild on fishing trips with NSA intercepts to find foreign companies which were engaging in illegal activities at the expense of legitimate American business.  While Minihan gave the impression that he was a great promoter of agency transparency, he ran a very tight organization.
While Miniham’s replacement, Air Force Lieutenant General Michael Hayden, had great plans for reforming NSA so its operators and funders could be happier about its performance, everything was put on hold to clear the air until the 9/11 attacks surprised everyone – making a bad situation much worse. A cause of the delay was the most belated discovery that Bureau’s Special Agent Robert Hanssen had been another spy like the Agency’s Ames – what Director Freeh compounded by immediately resigning, leaving the FBI naked to its enemies.(8) 
DCI George Tenet cut the Bureau out of having anything to do in subduing the suspected hijackers of the four planes while its agents in the field were increasingly having trouble connecting the dots in all its criminal investigations.(9) Moreover, the NSA did not accept Rick Taylor’s recommendation about implementing his system called Thinthread which would allow it to see the head notes of foreign e-mails entering the States while the Bureau was forced by the FISA court to keep its data gathering more separated from its criminal investigations.(10)
The results would be the 9/11 disasters where both the failings of the Bureau and NSA would be paramount, but this time the FBI was more exposed in the fallout, and would resort to more drastic attempts to fix it, as we shall see in the concluding article.       
1. For more, see this link:
2. For a more complete explanation, see Trowbridge H. Ford, “The Prelude: US Intelligence – 11 September 2001, Eye Spy magazine, Issue Eight 2002, pp. 26-33.
3. Svenska Dagbladet, April 27, 1983.
4. For more about this, see the awards that the US Navy’s submarines received during 1984 and 198 in Sherry Sontag and Christopher Drew, Blind’s Man’s Bluff: The Untold Story of American Submarine Espionage, p. 426.
5.  Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies and the CIA in Central America, pp. 140-1.
6.  Quoted from Lawrence E. Walsh, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-Up, p. 8.
7.  Pete Earley, Confessions of a Spy: The Real Story of Aldrich Ames, pp. 117-8.
8.  Ford, op. cit., p.26ff.
9.  James Bamford, The Shadow Factory: The Ultra Secret NSA from 9/11 to the Eavesdropping on America. p. 108ff.
19. Ibid., p. 44ff.


Deserter David Hemler Helped ‘False Flag’ Plot To Sink USSR At Sweden’s Expense

23 07 2012

By Trowbridge H. Ford

When Social Democrat leader Olof Palme surprisingly regained power in the 1982 fall parliamentary elections, the Reagan administration in Washington immediately tested his anti-communist feeling by having US and NATO submarines flood Swedish waters around its naval base at Muskö to see how it would react. It was a secret plan to check Swedish anti–submarine warfare capability (Operation NOTVART) which the new statsminister had not been informed of. He had been portrayed in Anatoliy Golitsyn’s New Lies for Old, a work by the famous double agent who the CIA and MI6 not only encouraged but also endorsed (See Editors’ Foreword) about the alleged agent of influence who had used his subversive intentions to gain power under false pretences (p. 55ff, esp. p. 288), a suspicion which was long past time to determine the truth of. Palme was on the Reagan administration’s watch list because of his continuing support of national liberation movements in Central America and Africa, and because of his support of a Nordic Nuclear Weapons Free Zone.  Despite the most serious concerns about Palme’s trustworthiness, the statsminister came through the naval ordeal with flying colors.
Palme went along with the set-up, also known as the Hårsfjärden incident because of where it occurred, as if nothing was amiss. While it was still going on, Vice Admiral Per Rudberg, Chief of Sweden’s Navy, appointed a service committee to determine what had actually happened, and come up with measures to make sure it didn’t happen again. Two days later on October 15th, the Palme government appointed a Parliamentary Commission under the leadership of Minister of Defence and former Foreign Affairs Minister Sven Anderson, and including leading politicians across the political spectrum to investigate the incident. To assist its inquiry, Vice Admiral Bro Stefenson, the Navy’s Chief of Staff, and Sven Hellman of the Ministry of Defence were appointed as experts.
General Lennat Ljung, the Swedish Commander-in-Chief, announced their creation in most alarming terms:  “The investigation of the sea-floor continues. The barricades are still deployed. There has definitely been one submarine, possibly several. No indication of nationality. Large amount of force used, even mines, which has never happened. Tough methods. I don’t know any other country that has done this in peace-time.” (Quoted from May 1983 notes that Palme’s Secretary of State Ulf Larsson  took at high-level meetings.)
In December 1982, the naval inquiry, headed by Swedish Rear Adminal Gunnar Grandin, reported to the Navy Chief. It concluded that the Soviet bloc seemed to be responsible for it, thanks apparently to NATO’s continuing checking of Sweden’s national security reliability in light of Moscow’s accidentally beaching one of its Whisky submarines on the rocks off the Swedish base at Karlskrona the year before Palme returned to office. (For more, see Chris Mosey, Cruel Awakening: Sweden and the Killing of Olof Palme, pp. 147-8.) The Grandin report put it this way:
“When it comes to nationality of the submarines, we know that the submarine incident in Karlskrona was Soviet.  A number of optical, hydrophonic and passive radar indications point, even in this case to submarines from the WTO ( Warsaw Treaty Organization). Some indications of received radar signals cannot exclude that submarines of other nationality (NATO) have been in the area outside where the incidents have occurred.  The reason for this has probably been to follow the activity.” (CM/Grandin, appendix 2, ‘Händelseförloppet’  Bilaga 2 i ‘Granskning av ubåtsjaktverksamheten mot background av händelserna I Stockholms skärgård’ )
On April 26, 1983, the Parliamentary Commission reported, making a stronger case against the WTO, particularly the USSR.  Six submarines had been involved, three of them midget ones, and given what had happened before, especially the 1981 incident, it concluded that they must be Soviet ones. “On this point the Commission confirms,” it admitted, “that neither the sea floor investigations nor any other investigation has yielded proof in the form of objects found or otherwise which could bind a certain state to the violations.” ( SOU (1983) 13,Att möta ubåtshotet – Ubåtskrängar och svensk säkerhetspolitik. Betäankande från ubåtsskyddscommissionen. Stockholm, 1983, p. 81)  Without any smoking guns, the Commission still concluded its narrative of what seemed to have been going on by pointing to the Soviet bloc.
The Commission report was too wishy-washy for its Chairman, Defence Minister Sven Anderson, who added falsely in a press conference the same day that a midget sub that escaped to the Soviet bloc on October ll may have been damaged. To bolster any fingers pointed toward Moscow, the Palme government sent a protest to the USSR, stating that such intrusions were serious crimes against international law, adding that they were “…deliberate and illegal attempts to investigate Swedish territorial waters. These activities must be strongly condemned.” (Svenska Dagbladet, April 27, 1983)  Palme made the protest public knowledge by talking about its content, and  delivery at a press conference . Stockholm recalled its ambassador to Moscow for consultation to underline its disapproval of what the Soviets were apparently doing.
To keep the pressure on Moscow, certain suspicious submarine events occurred – thought to be WTO ones at the time, but which turned out later to either NATO ones or simple inventions. A month before the Commission reported, there were alarms at both naval bases at Karlskrona and Muskö that unknown subs were in surrounding territorial waters, but the hunts found nothing. Then the day after it was reported, there was a Norwegian hunt for an alleged submarine in Hardangerfjord where depth charges and anti-submariine rockets were used to sink it or force it to the surface, but none was discovered. Then there was a submarine scare off Sundsvall the next day.  Two days later, an unknown sub was spotted in a fjord north of Göteborg on Sweden’s west coast. The next day one was sighted south of that city but when it was forced to surface, it turned out to be West German.  While no Soviet bloc subs were found, the alarms created increasing, unprecedented anti-Soviet sentiment among the population. 
It was still surprising, despite the politicised panic over the intrusions, that the government finally reacted to the clamor, and with more Defence Staff justification of it by sending another most caustic note, almost a provocation for war, to Moscow on October 10th.  Acoustic evidence, visual observations, signal intelligence aka sigint, and physical examination of the sea floor where the submarine activity was most intense all pointed to vessels of the Warsaw Pact being responsible. Claiming that it was just summarizing what the Parliamentary Commission had concluded, it filled in its blanks completely at Moscow’s expense. 
For example, regarding visual sightings, it declared:  “All observations from the time of the Hårsfjården incident lead us to the conclusion that the submarines belong to the Warsaw Pact.” (SOU 1995.Ubåtsfrågan, 1981-1994, Stockholm, 1995, p. 137)
About two sonar findings, it added:  “The conclusion is that in both these cases we are dealing with Warsaw Pact submarines. There it is possible to identify various sounds – i. e.,  identify the number of propellers.” (Ibid.)
“Particular circumstances,” it explained about sigint, “make it possible to define even a single ship.  By taking the bearing of the signal, one can determine the position of a sender. It is also possible to get important information by listening to radio traffic between different ships or between a ship and its base.” (Ibid., p. 138)
“The existence of the prints on the sea-floor,” it added, “shows that the intruding submarines belong to the Warsaw Pact.”
While Moscow had responded to the first note by declaring it an “unfriendly action”, It said nothing about the second one, though it can hardly be doubted that it considered it little short of a declaration of war.
The real trouble for Sweden was that it was essentially untrue, as later inquiries after the Cold War ended showed. More important, in 1988, Pär Kettis, Director General of Sweden’s National Defence Radio Establishment aka FRA reported that it had no signal information about the Hårsfjården incident, so where did the Defence Staff get its sigint claims from?  Commander Björn Eklink, skipper of the spy ship Orion who was later removed from its command because of his gung-ho attitude about getting the Soviets, claimed that he was not surprised by the admission because he had never been informed that FRA  had anything incriminating Moscow. 
In short, it seemed that the Palme government had just endorsed leader-of-the-opposition and Parliamentary Commission member Carl Bildt’s statement about the incidents:”I cannot think about anything in modern times that has been more serious.” he concluded: “There is no doubt, (but we) cannot reveal everything.” (“Rapport,” STV2. April 26, 1983)
The only reason why Sweden was not directly punished for its provocation is because the United States, in deep trouble of its own then, adopted Sweden’s cause as its own.  The Reagan administration immediately had its foreign policy thrown into the greatest disarray by the revolution in Grenada which overthrew Maurice Bishop’s government, and then the killing of those 346 American servicemen, mostly Marines, in Lebanon four days later.  Washington would have been in better shape if the President had been able to reconstruct his government when National Security Advisor William Clark was obliged to go. (For more, see Lou Cannon, President Reagan, p. 372ff.) Instead of getting personnel changes which were in favor of better relations with Moscow, the President was stuck with one which wanted to stick it to the Soviets, explaining while the difficulties in Stockholm became opportunities for the new team.
The opportunities that Sweden provided for getting rid of the USSR some way would not last long – as Washington, despite its efforts to maintain that Moscow was in an aggressive, war-starting mood – had to be concerned that the truth about Hårsfjärden would start to leak out, especially since the Social Democrats, especially Palme, had not been duly informed about what the Defence Staff was falsely claiming,  Not all journalists accepted the official line. Anders Hasselbohm was writing Ubåtshotet – En kritish gtanskning av Härsfjårds-incidenten och ubåtsskyddskommissionens rapport which would soon be published in Stockholm by Prisma. Hasselbohm was getting disclosures, especially Norwegian acoustic and other visual evidence, by NATO officers about individual submarines in the hunt which were known to be Western ones – what greatly undermined the Parliamentary Commission report, and completely gutted the note to Moscow.
The biggest problem for Washington with these claims was that the Norwegian Commander-in-Chief, General Sven Hauge who was in Stockholm at the time of the incident, and had lent Stockholm its most advanced hydrophone capability in the hope of catching the Soviets red-handed, making intrusions into Swedish waters three weeks before (Operation NOTVARP), completely changed his tune after he heard the tapes – what America’s National Security Agency (NSA) got wind of. They confirmed what the leakers were claiming about NATO submarines – what the US Navy even confirmed after the Cold War was long over, and it was time to acknowledge the efforts of those involved.  The giving of the Navy Unit Commendation (NUC) to the Cavalla, SSN-684, and the Meritorious Unit Commendation (MUC) to the Bergall, SSN-667, Guitarro, SSN- 665, Aspro, SSN-661, Groton, SSN-694, and Puffer-SSN-652, along with the midget submarine Turtle, DSV 3, showed that they were involved in some fashion in the incident. (Sherry Sontag and Christopher Drew, Blind Man’s Bluff: The Untold Story of American Submarine Espionage, Appendix C, pp. 424-5, and p. 433)
To defuse the Hauge-Hasselbohm ticking bomb – what would ruin new NSA Robert ‘Bud’ McFarlane’s ‘false flag’ operation to destroy the USSR in a non-nuclear war – Washington had to inform Stockholm that the Soviets were solely responsible for the Hårsfjäarden incident in a most convincing way. One would expect the National Underwater Reconnaissance Office (NURO) – the agency that DCI Richard Helms had created when Nixon became President to keep track of all the secrets that the Navy was collecting – but it had not been informed by Captain James Bradley’s Office of Undersea Warfare (OUW) of the intrusions of Swedish waters, so getting.the NURO involved would just cause more problems. The OUW, while well-informed about such secrets, was too well-organized, and widespread for any deceptive mission succeeding without some kind of damaging blowback. (For more about it, see ibid., p. 117ff.)  Besides, allegedly ratting on a mission that it was most involved in would be most suspect to start with.
So NSA decided to do it.  Now its director was Air Force General Lincholn D. Faurer who had had a long career of carrying out its surveillance missions.  “During the 1970s,” James Bamford wrote in Body of Secrets, “Faurer served variously as director of intelligence for the Southern Command, Air Force deputy assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, vice director for production at the Defense Intelligence Agency, director of intelligence at the U.S. European Command, and deputy chairman of the NATO MIlitary Committee.” (p. 387)  Faurer was known for his can-do attitude, and his obsession about secrecy while the agency was undergoing its largest expansion in history.  “Unlike Inman (his predecessor),” Bamford added, “Faurer was determined to keep out of the spotlight; he began rebuilding the agency’s wall of anonymity.”
To make up for the treachery that analysts William H. Martin and Bernon F.Mitchell committed by defecting to Moscow a quarter century before, Faurer apparently had David Helmer defect to Sweden on February 10, 1984, much like Lee Harvey Oswald had done when he went to the USSR, hunting for Soviet leaders. Hemler had volunteered for the Air Force, and had done well enough to become a member of its elite eavesdropping agency, the 6913 Electronic Security Squadron, stationed in Augsburg, Germany.  General Faurer had become most involved in the unit’s activity while serving in various Air Force intelligence capacities in Europe, and was looking for defectors to make up for NSA’s increasingly limited human spying. When Faurer was preparing to retire early, he complained about the need of still more agents, stating that the role of computers in its operations had almost doubled since those earlier defections. (Bamofrd, p. 388) 
While Hembler recently explained that his alleged desertion was caused by West Germany’s adoption of the installation of cruise missiles, the defection to Sweden was intended to prevent a nuclear conclusion to the Cold War, only a non-nuclear one which would lead to its capitulation was acceptable, as Joseph Nye had recommended in his Nuclear Ethics. Hemler’s disclosures convinced Palme that the Defence Stall’s claims about the 1982 incident were accurate, causing him to dismiss anything or anyone who claimed otherwise.  When Foreign Minister Lennart Bodström claimed the following year at a dinner attended by journalists who had not taken Hasselbohm’s claims seriously that there had been apparently no intrusions, as its Navy claimed, of Swedish waters, he was sacked by the statsminister. (Mosey, p. 151)
The most disturbing event that occurred while Hemler was finding employment with the Swedish government, probably with either FRA or Säpo, was the murder of TV reporter for the Rapport program  Maureen ‘Cats’ Falck and her associate Lena Gräns after they had dinner in a south Stockholm restaurant in November 1984,  They were investigating the Iran-Contra shipment of arms and money to Tehran and Central America, a process in which Swedish arms, especially from Bofors, were involved, and East Germany, particularly the port of Rostock, was the center of. It was the network that Ted ‘Blond Ghost’ Shackley had been assigned by Reagan to put together from Hamburg to help gain the release of American hostages held by Iran. The reporters were apparently poisoned at the dinner, and their bodies were in a car which was driven into Stockholm’s Hammerby Canal – which were discovered the following May.
While attempts to get to the bottom of her claim that they were on to ‘something big’ – what has proven fruitless despite attempts to prove that East Germany’s Stasi killed them, as most of their research has disappeared – little attempt has been made, as the Lyndon LaRouche’s Executive Intelligence Review magazine noted in 1997, to determine what they meant when they claimed “…something which was going to happen in 1986.” While, in retrospect, people predictably sited the Palme assassination, and it was, but not in the way they thought. When they were murdered, the plan still just called for some ‘false flag’ incident, like what happened in October 1982, and its exploitation. The delay was needed to get all the men, particularly the double agents in Operation Courtship, and material, especially a Keyhole radar satellite, in place to pull it off.
It seems that the reporters got wind of the mission somehow, and were asking around about it. It is possible that they learned of it from Hemler, but it is just as likely that they learned of it from CIA agents like Rodney ‘Rod’ Carlson or even Rick Ames himself. They were in the process of putting together the agents who were to catch the Soviets flat-footed over some surprise. Just when Hemler was defecting to Sweden, Ames, whose career crashing, was given the top job in Carlson’s Counter Intelligence Group, head of its Soviet branch. (For more, see David Wise’s Nightmover, p. 94ff.)  It was while Ames was investigating what the moles in Soviet intelligence were doing for Operation Courtship that he decided to become a spy for Moscow, and word of the ‘false flag’ operation leaked increasingly to treacherous members of Sweden’s military, thanks to the Agency’s newest claim that Palme was in the process of pulling off a coup himself.
The assassination of the statsminister was now the first ‘false flag’ operation, making it look like Soviet spy Stig Bergling had done it while on compassionate leave to get married,  the second would be Navy Secretary John Lehman, Jr.’s attack submarines sinking all the Soviet boomers which went on station because of the surprise in Stockholm, and NATO’s Anchor Express Exercise being dragooned into taking out the Soviet forces around the bases and in the air over the Kilo Peninsula.
Palme had become the target after he most belatedly learned of the plotting by the Anglo-Americans when they tried to slip those 80 HAWK missiles through Sweden on November 17, 1985 on their way to Iran, but stopping them just increased the risks of President Reagan being impeached and removed from office because of his illegal findings.
Palme even removed the gung-ho Björn Elkind from command of the most important spy ship Orion in the Balticas Britain’s HMS Challenger was not available, but plans had moved by then far beyond any simple change stopping the juggernaut.
Of course, Hemler survived the fiasco, as no one even wanted to acknowledge his existence, much less what he had helped happen. It was only now that it is starting to leak out, after 28 years, but it doesn’t seem that much more will be heard about the deserter/defector, much less why.  

Deep MI6 Operator Neil Heywood Killed To Avenge Brutal Murders of Williams, Loftus & Rawlings

24 04 2012

By Trowbridge H. Ford

Nothing is more fundamental in intelligence work than keeping covert operations completely separate from counter intelligence. To help insure that everything goes according to plan, agents, especially in high positions, must be carefully vetted to start out, and must have serious checks on their reliability periodically. There must also be strict observance to the principle of needing to know about serious matters for fear that rumors, loose talk, and ultimately spying with ruin serious operations, possibility at great cost to not only its agents but more important the host nation itself. And all of this despite appearances has surprisingly become more important and difficult as operations and programs have become more complicated, and integrated, even involving foreign services which might not be so careful in recruiting personnel, making sure that they stay loyal, and carrying out actions.
The classic case which comes to mind when these matters were not observed is when Great Britain failed to keep Soviet spy, and later MI5’s Assistant Director Peter Wright under any kind of control.  Wright, son of Admiralty scientist and Marconi Engineer in Chief Maurice Wright, became totally disaffected during the lead-up to WWII, and started recruiting spies in British government for the Soviets, codenamed SCOTT, while attending Oxford’s School of Rural Economy. While adoption of the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact stopped his spying, he resumed it as Soviet atomic spy ‘K’, once Hitler invaded the USSR. Wright’s handing over information to his handler Vladimir Barkovsky about an atomic bomb being feasible, and the Anglo-American effort to build one was instrumental in Stalin doing the same.(1) Peter’s official job at the time was a Navy scientist, attached to his father’s firm.(2)
After the war in 1949, Wright was appointed the Security Service’s director of research, to improve its ability to eavesdrop on the Soviet enemy, thanks to the old boys’ network of meeting such concerns. In doing so, the Director General of the Foreign Intelligence Service aka MI6 Colonel Malcolm Cumming and the MoD’s Chief Scientist Frederick Brundfett overlooked or were unaware of how alienated Peter had become because of his father’s alcoholism during the Great Depression – what had forced Peter to study to become a farmer rather than seek an Honours degree at one of Oxbridge’s colleges.”The trauma of those events,” Peter wrote bitterly, “brought back my ill-health and I was afflicted with a chronic stammer which rendered me at times virtually speechless.” (3)
Wright contrasted what had apparently happened to him while similarly inclined youths who could afford to go to Oxford became communists. While he contended that he only learned of the comparison years later while he was tracking them down for MI5, the disparity could not have been missed at the time since Margaret Leigh, a fellow traveller, had not only followed his footsteps in seeking subsidence but also had been obliged to hire him to work on one of her crofting farms in the Scottish Highlands, “Achnadarroch” near Plocktown in Wester Ross. The area had become the center of Celtic Communism ever since liberal Lord Leverhulme had evicted crofters from the islands of Lewis and Harris after WWI. Ms.Leigh had gone to the area after her father, an Oxford don, had died, and she and her mother too could no longer afford to live there.
While Margaret Leigh finally taught Peter to master his stammer, he learned first hand what made real people, not those spoiled by capitalism, become communists, as she and he were forced to move to a farm in Cornwall after they had been evicted in Scotland by another greedy landlord. “They had enjoyed to the full the privileged background and education denied me, while my family had suffered at the capricious hand of capitalism.  I experienced at first hand the effects of slump and depression, yet” he added most dishonestly, “it was they who turned to espionage.” (4)
If ever one deserved a complete vetting for any position, particularly in the intelligence services, it was Peter Wright, the domestic communist who had soon become one of the world’s most important spies. While his father Maurice was denied a comeback in a senior position because of his alcoholic reputation – offered instead a position of an ordinary scientist on a trial basis – Peter went sailing through without any question.   
Once working with MI5, Wright, still a traitor, was able to run circles around his superiors for Moscow’s benefit – getting the service to chase the wrong targets when it came to Soviet spies, especially himself, and important people domestically disaffected, and even when someone important was being checked, the persons concerned often escaped because of some unexpected surprise, or some misreading of the situation that he was guilty of. And when the mistakes were finally discovered, Wright was very good at placing the blame on others, especially MI5 Director General Roger Hollis.  
An early, best example of this occurred when MI5 loused up exploiting leads defector Igor Gouzenko supplied about Soviet spying in North America, particularly who was the spy, codenamed Elli. As Chapman Pincher has stated in his latest, and undoubtedly last effort to cover up Wright’s handiwork, Treachery: Betrayals, Blunders, and Cover-ups: Six Decades of Espionage Against America and Great Britain: “It was an inexcusable gaffe by Peter Wright – later the self-styled ‘spycatcher’ – and the other counterintelligence investigators of the Hollis case to have failed to read the biographical books by Roger’s well-known brother, which were on the shelves of many libraries.” (5) There was then continuing mention of  Wright’s and other counterterrorists’ gaffes which just compounded problems while making ways for Hollis to be made to fit the puzzle.
In doing so, Pincher left out almost all of what Wright really did of importance, though the book is a most hefty one, and the absences seems most deliberate since Peter wrote much about it himself, especially his getting American counterparts, particularly Agency ”Executive Action’ Director William KIng Harvey, his boss Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms, and the National Security Agency’s Deputy Director Louis Tordella, to do his and the Soviets’ bidding, especially when it came to getting rid of Presidents Fidel Castro, and ultimately President Kennedy. There is no mention of these key operators on the American scene in Pincher’s book who got going after Castro, thanks Wright’s 1959 briefing on how to get such troublemakers (6), and its renewal after the Bay of Pig fiasco (7) despite Attorney General Robert Kennedy’ s order that it stop. When the President himself reiterated the order after the settlement of the Cuban Missile Crisis. these very officials took the lead in seeing that JFK was assassinated.
As Wright told Harvey after the second meeting when he thought that the Brits were holding back on their continuing role in the world: “I’ve told you, Bill. We’re out of that game.  We’re the junior partner in the alliance, remember? It’s your responsibility now.” (8) Not only did Harvey take it to heart when it came time to get rid of the President in Dallas at the expense of the Cuban Revolution and Castro – what only Governor Connally’s wounding turned the coup into a cockup – but he resumed it in 1968 when it came time to keep America’s nose to the grindstone in Vietnam by seeing to the killing of Martin Luther King, and Robert Kennedy, the only peacemakers who could change the scene (9)  Harvey, as the covert leader of The Plumbers, helped arrange the assassinations apparently of potential troublemakers former Alabama Governor and President LBJ to Nixon’s re-election in 1973 (10)
While Wright retired in 1976 – especially since his major surrogate Harvey had died, apparently killed to keep the lid on his secrets in light of the Watergate scandal – his legacy of the West pursuing the wrong policies, and chasing the wrong suspects lived on, thanks to efforts by Arthur Martin and Stephen de Mowbrary in mining the continuing false leads of Soviet double agent Anatoliy Golytsin. He had long helped Wright chase down the wrong agents, and now his complaints about alleged Soviet agents of influence in New LIes for Old came in most handy when the Iran-Contra conspiracy decided to get rid of the Soviet regime at alleged agent Olof Palme’s expense.  The assassination went off like clockwork, but the coup in Moscow failed because of all the spying by the Soviets’ new spies, particularly the Agency’s Rick Ames, the Bureau’s Robert Hanssen, and the Mossad’s Jonathan Pollard. Instead of Armageddon, though, we got Gorbachev, and the end of the USSR.
In its wake, London was most anxious to keep the lid on how it had helped create the Cold War, and extend it far beyond anyone’s expectation. Of course, the biggest efforts were to quash suspicions of Wright having been Moscow’s most important spy, and agent of influence, as Pincher’s lifelong work demonstrated. Wright’s helping give the Soviets important spies, and the bomb was ignored as much as possible by researchers (11), while continuing to pursue the dead-end leads that he had provided. (12) Even poor Pincher sounded quite happy with his endless wild-goose chases, ending his tome on this note. “…I would elect to repeat it in preference to any other profession. It continues to excite and entrance, with new material continuing to reach me from sources in Russia and elsewhere.” (13)
Still, the British intelligence services, it seems, had such a bad record in the post-Cold War period that they increasingly had to call in others, especially the Mossad, to clean up the mess. While MI5, with help from the British Army’s Force Research Unit, did manage to get the Provisional IRA to agree to a permanent ceasefire, sign the Good Friday Agreement, and then disarm, it was at considerable cost. MI5 agent William Perkins aka the future Director General Jonathan’ Bob’ Evans apparently arranged sabotaging the Chinook helicopter flight going to an  intelligence meeting in Scotland where more generous terms for the Provos were on the table, killing the 25 intelligence officers who favored it.(14) 
Increasingly, though, MI5 and M16 relied upon the resident kidon to do the dirty work, whether it be getting Britain more supportive of Israeli interests, stopping damaging blowback from ill-considered regime-change efforts in the USSR or Saddam’s Iraq, and taking out politicians successfully who were feared to exploit it. The assassinations which come to mind are those of Dr. David Kelly, Royal Cadet Stephen Hilder, German politicians Jurgen Möllemann, Scottish politician Robin Cook, and former KGB whistleblower Alexander Litvinenko.(15)
To stem the flow of any damaging blowback, former MI5 agents Annie Machon and David Shayler were allowed to publish Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers. It was a recitation of much of which Wright was famous for, and much in his manner.  Shayler, stating many times during his vetting that he showed his dedication for wanting to save the world, by repeatedly publishing extracts from Spy Catcher while it was under injunction in 1988 not to do so (16), and Annie illustrated her case against the Security Service’s illegal activities for over 80 years by citing what Wright did while there.(17)  “It is clear that there are officers within MI5 and MI6 who are working to their own agenda,” she concluded, “rather than the protection of this country, its people and its democracy.” (18)
They made it quite clear that the agenda should be Washington’s.They were positive that Libya’s Gaddafi was behind the Lockerbie bombing, and claimed that Libyan intelligence officers had offered him millions to speak out against the evidence, and campaign for the release of suspects al-Megrahi and Lamin Fhimah.(19)  Actually at this time, MI5 was helping Gaddafi’s agents interview Libyan refugees in London about what they knew, and were doing, helping render the biggest problems to where the American could deal with them.(19)  MI6 also worked with the Libyans to set up a mosque in some undisclosed European city, most likely Hamburg, to get wind of what Al-Qaeda was planning. Then Shayler claimed most unconvincingly that MI6 had tried unsuccessfully to assassinate the Libyan leader. 
The disparity between fact and appearance was even more in evidence when they talked about the role of the Mossad in Britain, like their claims that the Security Service really did not come to grips with the IRA (20) . They made it quite clear that MI5 should have prevented the bombing of the Israeli Embassy and Balfour House in London on July 26, 1994.  Instead the bombings went ahead because of alleged MI5 mistakes, and convenient fall guys, Samar Alami and Jawed Botmeh, were imprisoned for the crimes. Actually, MI5’s failure was deliberate to help open the door for an official Mossad presence in the kingdom – what they even lied about when Director General Eliza Manningham-Buller allowed in the wake of the 9/11 attacks.(21)
In sum, the book was a trail run, carried out by Shayler, and recounted by Machon, of what whistleblowers could expect if they tried to clear up the disparity – something which seemed likely with the heads of the key agencies, especially MI6’s Director General Sir John Scarlett, apparently just going along with whatever the Prime Minister called for. The brutal killing of Soviet whistleblower Alexander Litvinenko was the example of the warning being acted upon whether it wa just another Mossad killing or whether MI6 was now getting its hands dirty in assassinations. The radioactive polonium-210 which slowly killed him could have come from either Britain or     Israel. Litvinenko was just the kind of whistleblower – a covert agent who was threatening another who would listen about KGB operations during the non-nuclear showdown when Palme was assassinated, and about Soviet spies in the West, particularly Italy’s agent of influence Romano Prodi (codenamed UCHITEL).
These problems really came to a head when Washington and London decided again to overthrow the government in Beijing after the massive, Pentagon-made earthquake in Sichuan in May 2008 failed to cause regime-change as its designers, Thomas C. Reed and Danny B. Stillman hoped.(22) As they stated in The Nuclear Express, Communist China was such an unstable regime that a serious disaster would probably lead to its overthrow by its growing, increasingly dissatisfied middle classes.  “Those ‘youngsters’ are turning fifty now, and they are building a new society via the Internet and their world markets. Their turn may soon come, a generational clash that may make the 1960s in the United States seem tranquil.” (23)
The problem was no longer being able to cause mayhem in China, but exploiting it – what required somehow putting in place when its new President and Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party were selected, a leader who could exploit any new disaster with devastating effect. The outline of the plan was made by the new DCI, Leon Panetta, and was agreed to in Washington when British Prime Minister Gordon Brown visited there, with all the diversions necessary to hide that something new in the Special Relationship was emerging, especially removing the bust of Winston Churchill from the Oval Office.  As in the Palme assassination, London would supply the key player, MI6 agent of influence in China, Neil Heywood, who would help make the necessary arrangements for CCP boss in Chongqing, Bo Xilai, to join its new Standing Committee, and succeed Hu Jintao as its next President. Outsider John Sawers, a specialist in regime change and nation-building, was made MI6’s DG to hide suspicions that anything earthshaking was afoot.
While affairs were going along quite nicely in China, a surprise in London and Washington occurred which set off alarm bells – just what Machon and Shayler had hoped to avoid with their warnings. High-flying computer and encryption wizard Gareth Williams went off the rails again, and threatened to expose what the FBI had done. Williams, apparently a Welsh nationalist, had not even been properly vetted when he joined the Government Communication Headquarters (GCHQ) sigint agency, and his attempts at spying with Daniel Houghton – while he was working temporarily with MI6 – had been overlooked because he was such a whiz at breaking into any computer, and reading its coded messages.Williams was brought by America’s National Security Agency (NSA) into catching the Manhattan ll ‘sleeper cell’ – noted for difficulties that sultry Anna Chapman caused – what put Williams back into the spying business, apparently for the Russians.(24) 
When Williams expanded his work by decrypting the Afghan Log, and handing it over to Julian Assange’s Wilileaks for release to major media outlets without redacting the names of personnel involved, NSA decided to dispose of him when he came to its Fort Meade headquarters, looking for more information to back up exposure of America’s plots.  It was then that he ingested some poison which caused a slow, painful death, apparently the notorious death cap mushroom. The lurid accounts of his death were all illustrations of just what a multi-purpose murder it was. Difficult to know how he died, who was responsible for it, where did it start, and when it was completed, etc., all intended to make a convincing solution almost impossible.
And when Gareth’s partner in deciphering the Afghan Log – St. John’s College, Oxford’s senior lecturer, and GCHQ’s expert on mastering colloquial German Gudrun Loftus – indicated that she was planning to take his place in divulging secrets, she was murdered in an even more mysterious way – falling down the stairs backwards from the landing where the College’s Senior Common Room was located early one October morning in 2010, and apparently when she was having an early morning meeting with someone apparently interested in her plans, but really only a British covert agent to finish her off.(25)  The Thames Valley Police (TVP), as expected, did little to investigate the unexplained killing, as it only investigates them if the next o kin call for it, and covert government allows it. Jerry Loftus made no call for one.
Now, the questions are about what Williams and Loftus were collecting, for whom, how did the interested spying agency find out about it, and what action it took about it. Seems that Williams was decoding Foreign Office and British Intelligence Services communications, particularly to China, and recording them on his laptop and/or his MP3. They showed the deep operation that Heywood was engaged in, and explained why the British securocrats were most interested in recovering when his body was finally discovered. Seems the material was being collected for the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS), but since neither Williams nor Loftus made it out of the UK, the Chinese had little idea of what the plans were which made them willing to take such unprecedented risks.  Apparently, like with Rick Ames et al. in the Palme plot, they thought likely results were worth it.
How the MSS more about what was afoot seems to rest on what Professor Steven Rawlings, a world-famous astrophysicist, and Don at St. Peter’s College, Oxford, suspected about the Loftus murder, and what he learned in China while trying to get the massive Square Kilometer Array (SKA) space telescope built.  Rawlings was addicted to the Inspector Morse novels about crimes around Oxford, and he soon thought had murder at occurred at the college, St. John’s, which was apparently never used in any way in the series.
More important, Rawlings’ dealing with his Chinese counterpart Professor Jun Yan, Director of the National Astronomical Observatories, led to some discussions about the Heywoods, Neil in China, and Ian, another Oxford astrophysicist at Oxford. While Rawlings and Yan were discussing ways to see that the SKA telescope was built in the southern hemisphere – the UK dropping out as a possible site early, and then Beijing followed suit – they apparently gossiped about what the high-flying Bos were accomplishing in Chongqing and Oxford.  Ian – apparently a relative of Neil’s and possibly even his brother, though I had been unable to reach him by calling his listed phone number since my calls are cut off before the number even finishes ringing (26) – must have played a role in getting the Bos’ son Guagua into Bailliol College, and Rawlings must have helped out too.
It isn’t hard to imagine that they had discussed the Loftus and Williams killings too – what had led to Rawlings’ increasing mental deterioration – and that the MMS’s Director Geng Hui Chang put together a good picture of what was planned by Neil and Bo at the next elections of the CCP. Bo’s wife Gu was obliged to make Neil come to Chongquig in November where he was poisoned in no uncertain terms with potassium cyanide – a compound which is easily determined in the deceased because of its effects on the body – and which she prevented any discovery of by getting Neil’s wife to agree to immediate cremation.  Beijing explained away Neil’s murder successfully as a natural one until a Chinese blog said in early March that it was murder, though not mentioning the Bos’ role in it.
Neil’s death just made Rawlings more convinced than ever that a murderous plot was going on, and when a dinner was held St. John’s College in January, he apparently not only claimed afterwards on the way home that Loftus had been murdered, but also that his long-time friend accompanying him, Dr. Dewinter Sivia, another of its lecturers, had apparently helped cover it up, if not had done it himself. In the ensuing struggle, Rawlings was killed. While the TVP was obliged to investigate the most suspicious death as a possible murder, the case soon collapsed after Rawlings’ wife, apparently after some persuasion by the security services, dismissed it as an unfortunate accident between friends, going back to their undergraduate days at Cambridge.  Just the other day, the case was closed.
The scandal is an incredible reminder of how best to run intelligence services, at least to avoid their most serious pitfalls like little or no vetting of agents, ignoring independent counter intelligence, overplaying the role of covert operations and surprises, and just plunging ahead with reckless abandon when serious blowback starts occurring, etc., and to depict it for the public would require all the writing skills of a Colin Dexter and the acting ones of another Inspector Morse.     
2.  Peter Wright, Spy Catcher, p.4.
3.  Ibid., p. 13.
4.  Ibid.
5   Pincher, p. 20.
6.  Wright, op. cit., p. 154.
7.  Ibid., p. 153ff.
8.  Quoted from p. 162.
9.  Trowbridge H. Ford, “Manchurian Candidates: Mind-Control Experiments and The Deadliest Secrets of the Cold War,” Eye Spy, Issue Eight 2002, pp. 50-5.
11. See, for example, how Christopher Andrew made out that ‘K’ was, in fact, his handler Vladimir Barkovsky in The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, Index, p. 689. 
12.  Wright, op. cit., p. 179ff.
13.  Pincher, op. cit., p. 635.
16.  Machon and Shayler, pp. 21-2.
17.  p. 8.
18.  p. 378.
19.  pp. 122-3.
20.  p.57ff.
21.  For the lies, see pp. 234-5.
23.  Reed and Stillman, p. 329.
24.  For more, see this link:
26.  The number I have been calling is this: +44 01865 273535. And his connection, it seems, on Linkedin is closed. 

How and Why Woolsey and Clinton Saved the CIA – Part 1

21 04 2012

By Trowbridge H. Ford


The role of the Director of Central Intelligence in its operations and intelligence collection at any time is most difficult to determine.  While officially the head of American’s intelligence community, his activities – given the plethora of intelligence agencies, legal restrictions on their various operations, and antagonisms amongst them, especially between the Agency and the FBI, in their conduct – vary radically from time to time because of his government experience, background, outlook, rapport with his underlings, and relations with the other agencies, particularly their heads.  Then the conditions of the time could change all the variables in significant ways. Given the dictates of Director J. Edgar Hoover, an obvious solution to the DCI’s problems was to catch the eye of the President and his National Security Council (NSC) in the making of policy, what was bound to politicize its operations, and complicate its problems if the Bureau learned of it. 
While stories of the lack of cooperation between “Wild Bill” Donovan, the father of CIA, and Hoover during WWII are legion – what helped getting America into the war when the Director didn’t take MI5 double agent Dusan ‘Dusko’ Popov’s intelligence about Japanese plans to bomb Pearl Harbor seriously, and made its successful prosecution more difficult because of Hoover’s priority to catch communists and their sympathizers, especially the First Lady’s, rather than domestic spies and their handlers  – Donovan’s successors at the Agency all had unique experiences as DCI, especially with the Bureau, but they were never sorted out, and harmonized in any meaningful way, as the current disputes over the 9/11 attacks, and the war on Iraq demonstrate. 
Rear Admiral Sidney W. Souers, the first DCI, was so upset by the constant squabbling among its holdovers from Donovan’s Office of Strategic Services (OSS) with the State Department that he seriously thought of turning over all its functions to the Bureau before resigning after only six months in the post. Hoover had assisted the process by constantly informing the former Roosevelt aide of all the bad apples in it from the New Deal administration.  His replacement, General Hoyt Vanderberg, was so upset by Hoover’s scorched-earth policy over losing operational jurisdiction in South America, and over infiltrating the new agency with his own agents, particularly William King Harvey, that he soon departed for the Pentagon as Vice-Chief of Staff of the Air Force.  Vanderberg believed that it would be easier to construct the new air arm whose mission and men he was most well acquainted with rather than a new intelligence service out of its constantly squabbling components, and competitors. 
His replacement, Rear Admiral Roscoe “Hilly” Hillenkoetter, was so ineffective in managing the Agency that he was forced to return to sea after a disastrous three years at the helm, little more than its daily messenger to the President with its daily briefing which Souers had started.  “Hilly” was scapegoated for failing to appreciate signal intelligence about North Korea’s intentions regarding the South – what Soviet spies Donald Maclean, Guy Burgess, and Kim Philby had supplied Stalin with the green light for. His replacement, Walter “Beetle” Smith, became so embroiled with Hoover and the Joint Chiefs of Staff over claims about communist activity at home and abroad that his former boss in Europe during WWII, Dwight Eisenhower, had to replace him, once he became President, though the irascible general did finally give the CIA some kind of standing with the other agencies and the White House with his introduction of National Intelligence Estimates (NIE).
Eisenhower settled upon Smith’s deputy, Allen Dulles, as the next DCI, while sending Smith to the State Department to help tame his more exciting and dangerous brother John Foster, the new Secretary of State. Since then, there has essentially been a pattern of like-minded DCIs who go along with increasingly risky operations to satisfy its eager cowboys and similarly inclined NSCs, followed by DCIs, usually chosen from outside, who attempted to rein them in by various means – laws, retirements, reorganizations, congressional oversight, memoranda, and the like.  The changes, though, just obliged covert operators to devise more convoluted ways for achieving whatever they wanted, with or without the President’s knowledge or approval.
Dulles tried to balance the initiatives by his underlings – especially Kermit Roosevelt, Frank Wisner, Richard Helms, Richard Bissell, and Harvey – with what the President minimally wanted or at least tolerated, a tension which Helms ultimately destroyed with his covert operations against Cuba and the Soviet Union – making the Agency essentially a state within a state during the JFK, LBJ, and Nixon administrations. DCI George H.W. Bush, with Helms’s help, provided for its re-establishment in the wake of Watergate, a crisis which threatened its very existence, as I tried to show in my article in the Archive.  William Casey, consequently, arrived on the scene as Reagan’s DCI with covert operators established in other agencies, and covert operations began to roll to bring down the Iron Curtain, once Robert Gates became his deputy.  Once this occurred, President Bush was willing to overlook his mistaken operations and rhetoric against the Soviets by making him DCI, once Desert Storm against Iraq had been successfully carried out.  His NIE’s had merely overestimated Soviet military and economic capabilities by 100%.
The outsiders who attempted to reform CIA were all frustrated in one way or another.  James Schlesinger’s efforts to get the Agency out of covert operations after Watergate – what he hoped to achieve by exposing the so-called “Family Jewels” – so alarmed the spooks that his deputy, and long-time agent, William Colby, soon replaced him to stem the tide.  Once he had redirected media interest in its covert domestic operations to assassinations that Presidents had allegedly ordered overseas, he was replaced by Bush. Carter could not abide him, replacing him as soon as he gained the Oval Office, and having Admiral Stansfield Turner unsuccessfully attempt to make the Agency into a disciplined, law-abiding one, essentially interested in collecting signal intelligence. When the Iran-Contra scandal finally surfaced in late 1986, Judge William Webster was brought over from the Bureau in the feeble hope that he would preside over its internal rehabilitation while keeping the lid on its wild covert operations from the various outside inquiries.     
The only other departure from the pattern occurred when retired Vice Admiral William “Red” Raborn replaced John McCone in April 1965 – LBJ apparently worried about promoting DDP Richard Helms because of the fallout from the JFK assassination. The President – Helms chcharacteristically recalling LBJ’s alleged milking experience as a farm boy – put it this way about the intelligence agencies:  “You work hard and get a good program or policy going, and they swing a shit-smeared tail through it.”  (Quoted from Christopher Andrew, For the President’s Eyes Only, p. 323.)  Helms still succeeded Raborn in June 1966, once American troops had been withdrawn from the fiasco which the Agency had helped arrange in the Dominican Republic.
In sum, the intelligence community, especially the Agency, was in a most precarious position when the Iron Curtain finally came down.  With the defeat of the Soviets, and the rollback of its bloc, conditions seemed right for a similar rollback and reorganization of the intelligence community – what certainly did not look promising for the CIA.  The problems were clearly laid out in Mark Riebling’s ground-breaking Wedge: The Secret War Between the FBI and CIA, an exposé so telling that radical change seemed almost inevitable.  Riebling, after recounting all the trials and tribulations of the current system during the Cold War, concluded on this alarming note for the Agency about “the old, failed framework”:  “It is not inconceivable that the FBI might someday be placed in charge of all counterintelligence, foreign and domestic…” (p. 457)
Long before Bill Clinton surprised everyone by being elected President in 1992, it was assumed that he would still continue Gates as DCI since the only precedent for doing otherwise had been provided by Carter in the wake of Watergate.  After all, the operation of the intelligence community, especially the Agency, was thought to be above the dictates of partisan politics.  The former Governor of Arkansas, though, was persuaded that there was little need for the Agency now, and was most concerned about his previous dealings with covert government, especially CIA operations, coming out – as was the Agency itself.  They both were worried in their own way about what could radiate out from the still secret activities at Mena’s Intermountain Regional Airport.
The unappreciated, identical interests of CIA and Clinton stemmed from the Stasi files that the West German security police turned over to the Bureau’s intelligence chief Doug Gow after the fall of The Wall, indicating, among other things, that the Soviets had a most well-placed mole in the Agency.  Once the Bureau informed Langley of the find, interagency relations soon deteriorated to a new low, as more Stasi files indicated that all the double agents, particularly KBG General Dmitri Polyakov and Aleksei Kulak, of Operation Courtship had been totally controlled by the Soviet bloc, almost from the beginning.  After two years of squabbling, a joint task force was finally appointed to ferret out the spies and the spying.
While Bureau agents took the lead in finding them, DCI Gates took the initiative in finding all the foreign governments and business which were spying on American companies – another concern which proved most difficult for CIA-FBI cooperation.  When the proposed creation of an Intelligence Czar to solve the problem failed, Gates took the lead in uncovering some of the Bank of Commerce and Credit International’s (BCCI’s) criminal operations – what clearly showed that while assisting Iraq’s, Panama’s, Abu Nidal’s, and the Contras’ manifold transactions and operations, the Agency failed to inform the Bureau of their illegalities, much less make arrangements for their being excused for counter intelligence purposes.   
Then the Agency’s National Collection Division attempted to uncover the illegal activities of Italy’s Banco Lavoro Nazionale (BNL) in helping Iraq’s Saddam Hussein procure weapons of mass destruction (WMD) – what Britain’s MI6 (SIS) was also attempting through the London branch of BCCI.  Both CIA and SIS were using the Babylon strategy that former Agency CI chief James Angleton had adopted for assisting and stringing along such operations until they could be crushingly closed down.  (For more on this, see Riebling, p. 417ff.)  The only trouble with the covert operation was that the Bureau was never informed of it, so that when the FBI’s fraud squad raided the BNL’s branch office in Atlanta in August 1989, discovering such a vast financial effort to help Iraq obtained nuclear weapons that CIA-SIS involvement was widely suspected.  
CIA’s efforts against the banks clearly indicated, especially to the Bureau, that it was following some kind of hidden agenda in its dealings with them. The FBI’s James Nolan, for example, complained that the Agency was only interested in the BCCI’s operations overseas, not its domestic ones.  Jack Blum, former chief counsel of the Kerry subcommittee on terrorism and narcotics, was more blunt, claiming that the CIA was engaging in “an enormous coverup,” thanks apparently to its preventing inquiries into BCCI’s and Mena’s operations in the Americas. The CIA failed to answer questions about its authorization of BNL-Atlanta illegal funding for fear that other secrets about Anglo-American operations, especially those originating, and known by its Rome station, would result in successful prosecutions of various Agency agents and assets – a process which foreign intelligence services dreaded.
Clinton fitted into all this because of his dealings with the Contra operation, especially overlooking the illegal activities at Mena, but the former Arkansas governor thought that the CIA was trying to nail him by going after the banks rather than just trying to save itself.  Clinton had already been caught out in the lie that he had allocated $25,000 for a grand jury investigation of the airport’s activities back in 1988, and former Arkansas Congressmen Bill Alexander, who had already sent information of the coverup to special counsel Lawrence Walsh investigating the Iran-Contra scandal but without result, had seen an identical allocation from the Justice Department in Washington to Arkansas authorities become another non-starter.  The source of Clinton’s criminal activities, it seems, was the murder of Adler Berriman “Barry” Seal to prevent the Iran-Contra operation, just before statsminister Olof Palme’s assassination, from unraveling.
In the last stages of the presidential campaign, Clinton began to have second thoughts about the Agency’s pursuit of the banks, thanks to a briefing, arranged by Bush NSA Brent Scowcroft and his own deputy security adviser, Sandy Berger, he received from Gates himself in September 1992 in Little Rock.  Once elected, as John L. Helgerson, former Deputy Director of Intelligence, has written in CIA Briefings of Presidential Candidates, the Agency set up an unprecendented outpost in the Arkansas capital to keep the President-elect – who, like Reagan – Christopher Andrew reminded readers in its introduction – had had no previous experience as an intelligence consumer – abreast of developments.  Starting on November 11th, Clinton received the Presidential Daily Brief from an Agency briefer, concentrating on the agenda, especially regarding Russia, he wanted to pursue.  As the President later explained about the process, “Intelligence is a unique mission….I look to you to warn me and, through me, our nation of the threats.”

(Continued)  PART 2