Deep MI6 Operator Neil Heywood Killed To Avenge Brutal Murders of Williams, Loftus & Rawlings

24 04 2012

By Trowbridge H. Ford

Nothing is more fundamental in intelligence work than keeping covert operations completely separate from counter intelligence. To help insure that everything goes according to plan, agents, especially in high positions, must be carefully vetted to start out, and must have serious checks on their reliability periodically. There must also be strict observance to the principle of needing to know about serious matters for fear that rumors, loose talk, and ultimately spying with ruin serious operations, possibility at great cost to not only its agents but more important the host nation itself. And all of this despite appearances has surprisingly become more important and difficult as operations and programs have become more complicated, and integrated, even involving foreign services which might not be so careful in recruiting personnel, making sure that they stay loyal, and carrying out actions.
The classic case which comes to mind when these matters were not observed is when Great Britain failed to keep Soviet spy, and later MI5’s Assistant Director Peter Wright under any kind of control.  Wright, son of Admiralty scientist and Marconi Engineer in Chief Maurice Wright, became totally disaffected during the lead-up to WWII, and started recruiting spies in British government for the Soviets, codenamed SCOTT, while attending Oxford’s School of Rural Economy. While adoption of the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact stopped his spying, he resumed it as Soviet atomic spy ‘K’, once Hitler invaded the USSR. Wright’s handing over information to his handler Vladimir Barkovsky about an atomic bomb being feasible, and the Anglo-American effort to build one was instrumental in Stalin doing the same.(1) Peter’s official job at the time was a Navy scientist, attached to his father’s firm.(2)
After the war in 1949, Wright was appointed the Security Service’s director of research, to improve its ability to eavesdrop on the Soviet enemy, thanks to the old boys’ network of meeting such concerns. In doing so, the Director General of the Foreign Intelligence Service aka MI6 Colonel Malcolm Cumming and the MoD’s Chief Scientist Frederick Brundfett overlooked or were unaware of how alienated Peter had become because of his father’s alcoholism during the Great Depression – what had forced Peter to study to become a farmer rather than seek an Honours degree at one of Oxbridge’s colleges.”The trauma of those events,” Peter wrote bitterly, “brought back my ill-health and I was afflicted with a chronic stammer which rendered me at times virtually speechless.” (3)
Wright contrasted what had apparently happened to him while similarly inclined youths who could afford to go to Oxford became communists. While he contended that he only learned of the comparison years later while he was tracking them down for MI5, the disparity could not have been missed at the time since Margaret Leigh, a fellow traveller, had not only followed his footsteps in seeking subsidence but also had been obliged to hire him to work on one of her crofting farms in the Scottish Highlands, “Achnadarroch” near Plocktown in Wester Ross. The area had become the center of Celtic Communism ever since liberal Lord Leverhulme had evicted crofters from the islands of Lewis and Harris after WWI. Ms.Leigh had gone to the area after her father, an Oxford don, had died, and she and her mother too could no longer afford to live there.
While Margaret Leigh finally taught Peter to master his stammer, he learned first hand what made real people, not those spoiled by capitalism, become communists, as she and he were forced to move to a farm in Cornwall after they had been evicted in Scotland by another greedy landlord. “They had enjoyed to the full the privileged background and education denied me, while my family had suffered at the capricious hand of capitalism.  I experienced at first hand the effects of slump and depression, yet” he added most dishonestly, “it was they who turned to espionage.” (4)
If ever one deserved a complete vetting for any position, particularly in the intelligence services, it was Peter Wright, the domestic communist who had soon become one of the world’s most important spies. While his father Maurice was denied a comeback in a senior position because of his alcoholic reputation – offered instead a position of an ordinary scientist on a trial basis – Peter went sailing through without any question.   
Once working with MI5, Wright, still a traitor, was able to run circles around his superiors for Moscow’s benefit – getting the service to chase the wrong targets when it came to Soviet spies, especially himself, and important people domestically disaffected, and even when someone important was being checked, the persons concerned often escaped because of some unexpected surprise, or some misreading of the situation that he was guilty of. And when the mistakes were finally discovered, Wright was very good at placing the blame on others, especially MI5 Director General Roger Hollis.  
An early, best example of this occurred when MI5 loused up exploiting leads defector Igor Gouzenko supplied about Soviet spying in North America, particularly who was the spy, codenamed Elli. As Chapman Pincher has stated in his latest, and undoubtedly last effort to cover up Wright’s handiwork, Treachery: Betrayals, Blunders, and Cover-ups: Six Decades of Espionage Against America and Great Britain: “It was an inexcusable gaffe by Peter Wright – later the self-styled ‘spycatcher’ – and the other counterintelligence investigators of the Hollis case to have failed to read the biographical books by Roger’s well-known brother, which were on the shelves of many libraries.” (5) There was then continuing mention of  Wright’s and other counterterrorists’ gaffes which just compounded problems while making ways for Hollis to be made to fit the puzzle.
In doing so, Pincher left out almost all of what Wright really did of importance, though the book is a most hefty one, and the absences seems most deliberate since Peter wrote much about it himself, especially his getting American counterparts, particularly Agency ”Executive Action’ Director William KIng Harvey, his boss Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms, and the National Security Agency’s Deputy Director Louis Tordella, to do his and the Soviets’ bidding, especially when it came to getting rid of Presidents Fidel Castro, and ultimately President Kennedy. There is no mention of these key operators on the American scene in Pincher’s book who got going after Castro, thanks Wright’s 1959 briefing on how to get such troublemakers (6), and its renewal after the Bay of Pig fiasco (7) despite Attorney General Robert Kennedy’ s order that it stop. When the President himself reiterated the order after the settlement of the Cuban Missile Crisis. these very officials took the lead in seeing that JFK was assassinated.
As Wright told Harvey after the second meeting when he thought that the Brits were holding back on their continuing role in the world: “I’ve told you, Bill. We’re out of that game.  We’re the junior partner in the alliance, remember? It’s your responsibility now.” (8) Not only did Harvey take it to heart when it came time to get rid of the President in Dallas at the expense of the Cuban Revolution and Castro – what only Governor Connally’s wounding turned the coup into a cockup – but he resumed it in 1968 when it came time to keep America’s nose to the grindstone in Vietnam by seeing to the killing of Martin Luther King, and Robert Kennedy, the only peacemakers who could change the scene (9)  Harvey, as the covert leader of The Plumbers, helped arrange the assassinations apparently of potential troublemakers former Alabama Governor and President LBJ to Nixon’s re-election in 1973 (10)
While Wright retired in 1976 – especially since his major surrogate Harvey had died, apparently killed to keep the lid on his secrets in light of the Watergate scandal – his legacy of the West pursuing the wrong policies, and chasing the wrong suspects lived on, thanks to efforts by Arthur Martin and Stephen de Mowbrary in mining the continuing false leads of Soviet double agent Anatoliy Golytsin. He had long helped Wright chase down the wrong agents, and now his complaints about alleged Soviet agents of influence in New LIes for Old came in most handy when the Iran-Contra conspiracy decided to get rid of the Soviet regime at alleged agent Olof Palme’s expense.  The assassination went off like clockwork, but the coup in Moscow failed because of all the spying by the Soviets’ new spies, particularly the Agency’s Rick Ames, the Bureau’s Robert Hanssen, and the Mossad’s Jonathan Pollard. Instead of Armageddon, though, we got Gorbachev, and the end of the USSR.
In its wake, London was most anxious to keep the lid on how it had helped create the Cold War, and extend it far beyond anyone’s expectation. Of course, the biggest efforts were to quash suspicions of Wright having been Moscow’s most important spy, and agent of influence, as Pincher’s lifelong work demonstrated. Wright’s helping give the Soviets important spies, and the bomb was ignored as much as possible by researchers (11), while continuing to pursue the dead-end leads that he had provided. (12) Even poor Pincher sounded quite happy with his endless wild-goose chases, ending his tome on this note. “…I would elect to repeat it in preference to any other profession. It continues to excite and entrance, with new material continuing to reach me from sources in Russia and elsewhere.” (13)
Still, the British intelligence services, it seems, had such a bad record in the post-Cold War period that they increasingly had to call in others, especially the Mossad, to clean up the mess. While MI5, with help from the British Army’s Force Research Unit, did manage to get the Provisional IRA to agree to a permanent ceasefire, sign the Good Friday Agreement, and then disarm, it was at considerable cost. MI5 agent William Perkins aka the future Director General Jonathan’ Bob’ Evans apparently arranged sabotaging the Chinook helicopter flight going to an  intelligence meeting in Scotland where more generous terms for the Provos were on the table, killing the 25 intelligence officers who favored it.(14) 
Increasingly, though, MI5 and M16 relied upon the resident kidon to do the dirty work, whether it be getting Britain more supportive of Israeli interests, stopping damaging blowback from ill-considered regime-change efforts in the USSR or Saddam’s Iraq, and taking out politicians successfully who were feared to exploit it. The assassinations which come to mind are those of Dr. David Kelly, Royal Cadet Stephen Hilder, German politicians Jurgen Möllemann, Scottish politician Robin Cook, and former KGB whistleblower Alexander Litvinenko.(15)
To stem the flow of any damaging blowback, former MI5 agents Annie Machon and David Shayler were allowed to publish Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers. It was a recitation of much of which Wright was famous for, and much in his manner.  Shayler, stating many times during his vetting that he showed his dedication for wanting to save the world, by repeatedly publishing extracts from Spy Catcher while it was under injunction in 1988 not to do so (16), and Annie illustrated her case against the Security Service’s illegal activities for over 80 years by citing what Wright did while there.(17)  “It is clear that there are officers within MI5 and MI6 who are working to their own agenda,” she concluded, “rather than the protection of this country, its people and its democracy.” (18)
They made it quite clear that the agenda should be Washington’s.They were positive that Libya’s Gaddafi was behind the Lockerbie bombing, and claimed that Libyan intelligence officers had offered him millions to speak out against the evidence, and campaign for the release of suspects al-Megrahi and Lamin Fhimah.(19)  Actually at this time, MI5 was helping Gaddafi’s agents interview Libyan refugees in London about what they knew, and were doing, helping render the biggest problems to where the American could deal with them.(19)  MI6 also worked with the Libyans to set up a mosque in some undisclosed European city, most likely Hamburg, to get wind of what Al-Qaeda was planning. Then Shayler claimed most unconvincingly that MI6 had tried unsuccessfully to assassinate the Libyan leader. 
The disparity between fact and appearance was even more in evidence when they talked about the role of the Mossad in Britain, like their claims that the Security Service really did not come to grips with the IRA (20) . They made it quite clear that MI5 should have prevented the bombing of the Israeli Embassy and Balfour House in London on July 26, 1994.  Instead the bombings went ahead because of alleged MI5 mistakes, and convenient fall guys, Samar Alami and Jawed Botmeh, were imprisoned for the crimes. Actually, MI5’s failure was deliberate to help open the door for an official Mossad presence in the kingdom – what they even lied about when Director General Eliza Manningham-Buller allowed in the wake of the 9/11 attacks.(21)
In sum, the book was a trail run, carried out by Shayler, and recounted by Machon, of what whistleblowers could expect if they tried to clear up the disparity – something which seemed likely with the heads of the key agencies, especially MI6’s Director General Sir John Scarlett, apparently just going along with whatever the Prime Minister called for. The brutal killing of Soviet whistleblower Alexander Litvinenko was the example of the warning being acted upon whether it wa just another Mossad killing or whether MI6 was now getting its hands dirty in assassinations. The radioactive polonium-210 which slowly killed him could have come from either Britain or     Israel. Litvinenko was just the kind of whistleblower – a covert agent who was threatening another who would listen about KGB operations during the non-nuclear showdown when Palme was assassinated, and about Soviet spies in the West, particularly Italy’s agent of influence Romano Prodi (codenamed UCHITEL).
These problems really came to a head when Washington and London decided again to overthrow the government in Beijing after the massive, Pentagon-made earthquake in Sichuan in May 2008 failed to cause regime-change as its designers, Thomas C. Reed and Danny B. Stillman hoped.(22) As they stated in The Nuclear Express, Communist China was such an unstable regime that a serious disaster would probably lead to its overthrow by its growing, increasingly dissatisfied middle classes.  “Those ‘youngsters’ are turning fifty now, and they are building a new society via the Internet and their world markets. Their turn may soon come, a generational clash that may make the 1960s in the United States seem tranquil.” (23)
The problem was no longer being able to cause mayhem in China, but exploiting it – what required somehow putting in place when its new President and Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party were selected, a leader who could exploit any new disaster with devastating effect. The outline of the plan was made by the new DCI, Leon Panetta, and was agreed to in Washington when British Prime Minister Gordon Brown visited there, with all the diversions necessary to hide that something new in the Special Relationship was emerging, especially removing the bust of Winston Churchill from the Oval Office.  As in the Palme assassination, London would supply the key player, MI6 agent of influence in China, Neil Heywood, who would help make the necessary arrangements for CCP boss in Chongqing, Bo Xilai, to join its new Standing Committee, and succeed Hu Jintao as its next President. Outsider John Sawers, a specialist in regime change and nation-building, was made MI6’s DG to hide suspicions that anything earthshaking was afoot.
While affairs were going along quite nicely in China, a surprise in London and Washington occurred which set off alarm bells – just what Machon and Shayler had hoped to avoid with their warnings. High-flying computer and encryption wizard Gareth Williams went off the rails again, and threatened to expose what the FBI had done. Williams, apparently a Welsh nationalist, had not even been properly vetted when he joined the Government Communication Headquarters (GCHQ) sigint agency, and his attempts at spying with Daniel Houghton – while he was working temporarily with MI6 – had been overlooked because he was such a whiz at breaking into any computer, and reading its coded messages.Williams was brought by America’s National Security Agency (NSA) into catching the Manhattan ll ‘sleeper cell’ – noted for difficulties that sultry Anna Chapman caused – what put Williams back into the spying business, apparently for the Russians.(24) 
When Williams expanded his work by decrypting the Afghan Log, and handing it over to Julian Assange’s Wilileaks for release to major media outlets without redacting the names of personnel involved, NSA decided to dispose of him when he came to its Fort Meade headquarters, looking for more information to back up exposure of America’s plots.  It was then that he ingested some poison which caused a slow, painful death, apparently the notorious death cap mushroom. The lurid accounts of his death were all illustrations of just what a multi-purpose murder it was. Difficult to know how he died, who was responsible for it, where did it start, and when it was completed, etc., all intended to make a convincing solution almost impossible.
And when Gareth’s partner in deciphering the Afghan Log – St. John’s College, Oxford’s senior lecturer, and GCHQ’s expert on mastering colloquial German Gudrun Loftus – indicated that she was planning to take his place in divulging secrets, she was murdered in an even more mysterious way – falling down the stairs backwards from the landing where the College’s Senior Common Room was located early one October morning in 2010, and apparently when she was having an early morning meeting with someone apparently interested in her plans, but really only a British covert agent to finish her off.(25)  The Thames Valley Police (TVP), as expected, did little to investigate the unexplained killing, as it only investigates them if the next o kin call for it, and covert government allows it. Jerry Loftus made no call for one.
Now, the questions are about what Williams and Loftus were collecting, for whom, how did the interested spying agency find out about it, and what action it took about it. Seems that Williams was decoding Foreign Office and British Intelligence Services communications, particularly to China, and recording them on his laptop and/or his MP3. They showed the deep operation that Heywood was engaged in, and explained why the British securocrats were most interested in recovering when his body was finally discovered. Seems the material was being collected for the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS), but since neither Williams nor Loftus made it out of the UK, the Chinese had little idea of what the plans were which made them willing to take such unprecedented risks.  Apparently, like with Rick Ames et al. in the Palme plot, they thought likely results were worth it.
How the MSS more about what was afoot seems to rest on what Professor Steven Rawlings, a world-famous astrophysicist, and Don at St. Peter’s College, Oxford, suspected about the Loftus murder, and what he learned in China while trying to get the massive Square Kilometer Array (SKA) space telescope built.  Rawlings was addicted to the Inspector Morse novels about crimes around Oxford, and he soon thought had murder at occurred at the college, St. John’s, which was apparently never used in any way in the series.
More important, Rawlings’ dealing with his Chinese counterpart Professor Jun Yan, Director of the National Astronomical Observatories, led to some discussions about the Heywoods, Neil in China, and Ian, another Oxford astrophysicist at Oxford. While Rawlings and Yan were discussing ways to see that the SKA telescope was built in the southern hemisphere – the UK dropping out as a possible site early, and then Beijing followed suit – they apparently gossiped about what the high-flying Bos were accomplishing in Chongqing and Oxford.  Ian – apparently a relative of Neil’s and possibly even his brother, though I had been unable to reach him by calling his listed phone number since my calls are cut off before the number even finishes ringing (26) – must have played a role in getting the Bos’ son Guagua into Bailliol College, and Rawlings must have helped out too.
It isn’t hard to imagine that they had discussed the Loftus and Williams killings too – what had led to Rawlings’ increasing mental deterioration – and that the MMS’s Director Geng Hui Chang put together a good picture of what was planned by Neil and Bo at the next elections of the CCP. Bo’s wife Gu was obliged to make Neil come to Chongquig in November where he was poisoned in no uncertain terms with potassium cyanide – a compound which is easily determined in the deceased because of its effects on the body – and which she prevented any discovery of by getting Neil’s wife to agree to immediate cremation.  Beijing explained away Neil’s murder successfully as a natural one until a Chinese blog said in early March that it was murder, though not mentioning the Bos’ role in it.
Neil’s death just made Rawlings more convinced than ever that a murderous plot was going on, and when a dinner was held St. John’s College in January, he apparently not only claimed afterwards on the way home that Loftus had been murdered, but also that his long-time friend accompanying him, Dr. Dewinter Sivia, another of its lecturers, had apparently helped cover it up, if not had done it himself. In the ensuing struggle, Rawlings was killed. While the TVP was obliged to investigate the most suspicious death as a possible murder, the case soon collapsed after Rawlings’ wife, apparently after some persuasion by the security services, dismissed it as an unfortunate accident between friends, going back to their undergraduate days at Cambridge.  Just the other day, the case was closed.
The scandal is an incredible reminder of how best to run intelligence services, at least to avoid their most serious pitfalls like little or no vetting of agents, ignoring independent counter intelligence, overplaying the role of covert operations and surprises, and just plunging ahead with reckless abandon when serious blowback starts occurring, etc., and to depict it for the public would require all the writing skills of a Colin Dexter and the acting ones of another Inspector Morse.     
2.  Peter Wright, Spy Catcher, p.4.
3.  Ibid., p. 13.
4.  Ibid.
5   Pincher, p. 20.
6.  Wright, op. cit., p. 154.
7.  Ibid., p. 153ff.
8.  Quoted from p. 162.
9.  Trowbridge H. Ford, “Manchurian Candidates: Mind-Control Experiments and The Deadliest Secrets of the Cold War,” Eye Spy, Issue Eight 2002, pp. 50-5.
11. See, for example, how Christopher Andrew made out that ‘K’ was, in fact, his handler Vladimir Barkovsky in The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, Index, p. 689. 
12.  Wright, op. cit., p. 179ff.
13.  Pincher, op. cit., p. 635.
16.  Machon and Shayler, pp. 21-2.
17.  p. 8.
18.  p. 378.
19.  pp. 122-3.
20.  p.57ff.
21.  For the lies, see pp. 234-5.
23.  Reed and Stillman, p. 329.
24.  For more, see this link:
26.  The number I have been calling is this: +44 01865 273535. And his connection, it seems, on Linkedin is closed. 

Arrests at The Sun Relate to Murders of Stephen Hilder, Dr. David Kelly and Faked Evidence Used to Justify Iraq War

13 03 2012

The arrest of Rebekah Brooks by Scotland Yard today may yield big news shortly.


Assassinations of Jurgen Möllemann & Stephen Hilder Helped Set Up That of Dr. David Kelly

and this SUN article –

POLICE probing the murder of a skydiver [Hilder]  who plunged 13,000ft to the ground are to question revellers who attended an airbase fancy dress party the night before.

See ALSO related articles by Trowbridge H. Ford on our right sidebar. These murders relate to the Mossad, various British spooks and the firmament of British journalism. It is all unraveling now.

shortlink to this post  –

Assassination of Zoran Djindjic: Background to Mossad Hits on Jurgen Möllemann & WMD Inspector Dr. David Kelly

31 12 2011

By Trowbridge H. Ford

The assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on March 12, 2003 had all the hallmarks of a coup d’etat – what various covert operators, especially ones from Israel’s Mossad, had deliberately arranged to make look like one – but it was actually just a deliberate effort to get rid of the most likely troublemaker before it was too late. Djindjic seemed a most unlikely one since he had the least nefarious past of all the others who had seen to former President Slobodan Milosevic’s defeat in the presidential election in October 2000, and had helped arrange his transfer to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague.

Djindjic, though, had a keen sense of which way the wind was blowing during Yugoslavia’s recent past, and had nearly always been the first one to change directions when conditions seemed to call for it. The Prime Minister knew that the task ahead now was seeing that the war criminals, domestic and foreign, followed Slobodan to the tribunal. The only trouble in doing so was that he crossed the man who had made a career of stopping in their tracks such policy innovators: the Mossad’s Director Meir Dagan.

Djindjic was born in Bosnia, the son of a Yugoslav army officer serving there, and his changes of posts soon took him to Belgrade where Zoran began a serious academic career in philosophy at its university, a most politically-charged endeavor, given Marshal

Tito’s efforts to steer a course between East and West during the height of the Cold War. Djindjic soon fell afoul of the authorities by organizing student demonstrations against how they conducted affairs, resulting his being imprisoned in 1974, and obliging him to flee to Frankfurt three years later so that he could complete his studies.

There he studied under Jurgen Habermas at the University of Konstantz who objected to the resigned pessimism of fellow theoretical social thinkers like Max Herkeimer, and said so in The Theory of Communicative Action. Djindjic not only took the message to heart, but went back to Yugoslavia in 1987 to spread the message by helping see that Habermas was made a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts the following year, and that Milosevic became President in 1989.

Djindjic, while teaching at the University of Novi Sad, soon became disillusioned again about how affairs were going, helping found the radical Democratic Party (DS), and becoming its president in 1993 while organizing protests against the elections Milosevic annulled because he disliked the results. Djindjic soon, however, favored the break-up of both Bosnia and Yugoslavia because he believed that Serbs could not peacefully live with Bosniacs and Muslims. “In 1994,” CNN reported after his assassination,” he visited the Bosnian Serb headquarters in Pale as they laid siege to nearby Sararjevo, Reuters said,” possibly resulting in his being photographed in the famous video which showed all the covert operators, probably including Israelis too, involved in the operation – what became so explosive at Milosevic’s war crimes trial at The Hague. This would demonstrate that Djindjic had been most self-serving when he shipped the ousted President to the tribunal in June 2001 in exchange for $1,200,000,000 in international economonic aid.

Still, Djindjic was able to get elected Belgrade’s mayor in 1996, thanks to the Zajedno (‘Together’) coalition which he put together with Vuk Draskovic’s SPO party, and Vesna Pesic’s GSS party, but the coalition fell apart after four months when Djindjic’s radicalism could not be coopted into the President’s expansionist plans at the expense of Kosovo. The demonstrations in Belgrade Djindjic organized in October 1997 to out Milosevic were completely upstaged by his confrontation with NATO over the province’s future.

During the countdown to NATO’s bombing campaign to force the Serbs to withdraw from Kosovo, Milosevic finally fell out with the provocative publisher Slavko Curuviga, apparently because he had learned of Yugoslavia’s collusion with the Israelis in trying to oust the Muslims from Bosnia and now in Kosovo, and threatened to tell.

The publishing mogul had already tipped his hand by writing an open letter, entitled “What Now Milosevic?”, to the President in October 1998, claiming that he was the source of all the country’s problems. Moreover, Curuviga was a close friend of former security chief boss, Jovica Stanisic, but unlike the sacked security chief, he could not simply be silenced by being replaced by a new crony. Curuviga had his own media network, based upon the most influential daily newspaper, Dnevni Telegraf, and The European, a most important outlet if Yugoslavia ever hoped to join the EU, and if Curuviga started crowing about what had really been going on – what seemed to be in the offing when he was forced to move its headquarters to Montenegro, the Serbian dictator could be in big trouble, and he knew it.

When the bombing campaign commenced, the threats against Curuviga only increased, especially after a NATO F-111 was knocked down – thanks to the latest radar that the Israelis had apparently made available to Milosevic’s presidential residence, and making Curuviga’s media empire an even bigger danger. And almost everyone was acknowledging that it was what the publisher knew, and not what any prying reporters may say which put him on the top of Milosevic’s hit list. Two and a half weeks into the campaign, on April 11th, Curuviga was gunned down by two masked gunmen as he entered an apartment building complex with his girlfriend.

Djindjic fled to Montenegro, fearing that he was the next target. He had already been recognized by Time magazine as a man to be reckoned with during the 21st century, and Milosevic used a picture of him shaking hands with arch-enemy Bill Clinton to help mobilize public opposition to NATO’s destructive campaign.

Djindjic went even further afield when NATO action destroyed the President’s radar listening post in his own residence, forcing the Chinese Embassy to supply the missing aerial reconnaissance. When this was destroyed on May 7th, NATO did to the country what the Israelis had been hoping to do in Lebanon during their recent bombardment – making it an economic basket-case by destroying its infrastructure – but Tel Aviv had to honor restrictions which NATO never faced. Three weeks later, Milosevic’s forces withdrew from Kosovo, and the war ended.

Djindjic returned in July 1999 to Serbia where he was tried in camera for endangering state security but he was soon released by Milosevic. Djindjic then helped put together the forces which contested the President’s re-election with Kostunica’s candidacy in October 2000, and when Milosevic was defeated, Djindjic led the 18-party Democratic coalition which forced him to give up his office, and won Serbia’s parliamentary elections, resulting in his becoming its Prime Minister on January 25, 2001. In the meantime, Milosevic had holed himself up in his villa, threatening to kill anyone who came to get him to answer an indictment for alleged war crimes, whether the trial was held in Serbia or in The Hague. President Kostunica had a ban on any extraditions anywhere.

Also, Milosevic’s fate took on an international dimension which has not been properly aired. Just when Clinton was considering a pardon for Marc Rich because of his role with Israel in helping Milosevic combat Yugoslavia’s Muslims and their ambitions, the Chinese Secret Intelligence Service’s Director of Strategy, Colonel Xu Junping, defected to the United States, threatening apparently to tell all about Beijing’s assistance in the process, plus much more. China became so alarmed, it seems, at the prospect of the defector telling all about Israel’s and its assistance to Milosevic – undercutting any proposed trial of him at The Hague – that it forced a confrontation with Washington. On April 1, 2001, Chinese fighters forced an American EP-3E Aries II spy plane, with 24 US crewmen on board, to crash-land on China’s Hainan Island, expecting to force Washington to hand over Xu Junping for the crew, especially since Beijing had lost one of its pilots in achieving the forced landing.

The American spy plane, based at the Whidby Island Naval Air Station in Washington State, was loaded with all kinds of eavesdropping, translating, and communicating systems, and the Chinese leadership was confident that Washington would quickly agree to give up Xu Junping for the most sought-after spy plane, said to be worth $100 million.

It had been monitoring the activities of a newly-purchased, Russian-made Sovremenny-class destroyer in the South China Sea – what US Navy brass considered the greatest threat to its carrier-based task forces controlling the area. While Beijing said it would treat the captured spooks as hostages until the defector was handed back, Washington stood firm against any deal, threatening long-term consequences to the Chinese relationship if Beijing persisted in its demands, resulting two weeks later in the crew being returned, but not the precious plane.

In April 2002, Gordon Thomas, the West’s most knowledgeable researcher of Israeli intelligence, revealed that the Chinese were allegedly so incensed about the failure to get back the whistleblowing Xu Junping that they took dire measures to keep the former Yugoslav President from telling all at The Hague: “How China secretly helped Slobodan Milosevic during the Balkans War – and how a CSIS squad flew to Belgrade, ready to whisk Milosevic to sanctuary in China shortly before he was arrested and sent to The Hague War Crimes Tribunal.” (Quoted from “China’s War Inside America,” no. 39, Globe-Intel, April 14, 2002.) Thomas added that both Iraq and Iran were set to go nuclear by 2005.

While Thomas’s claims were most persuasive in Washington and London, they were only black propaganda of the worst kind. How Xu Junping could have known in December 2000 that the Chinese had a reckless covert plan to rescue Milosevic – who still had not been arrested – is beyond belief. There was no need to even think about rescuing him forcefully yet. Then, if the Chinese were willing to take any risk to get Xu Junping back, why did they simply hand over the 24 American hostages in a matter of only 11 days after the Hainan Island incident? There apparently was no plan that Xu Junping somehow miraculously knew about, and Beijing was ecstatic at having captured the super secret spy plane’s technology – what could keep it informed about what even North Korea was doing in the way of developing nuclear weapons and missles – without serious consequences – what made President Clinton’s cancellation of the contract between Prime Minister Ehud Barak and China’s Jaing Zemin to ship its Phalcons to China merely a minor inconvenience.

Thomas’s disinformation – what could only have come from Tel Aviv, now under the leadership of Ariel Sharon and Meir Dagan – was clearly intended to cover up its far greater assistance to Milosevic completely at China’s expense. In addition, if Chinese special forces had intruded into Serbia, and tried to kidnap the former Yugoslavian President, the new authorities in Belgrade would have unanimously protested about the gross violation of its soverneignty – what America’s National Security Agency (NSA) could clearly corroborate. Finally, the claim by Xu Junping that both Baghad and Tehran would soon have nuclear weapons set off alarm bells in Tel Aviv, Washington and London since they were now under the impression – thanks to the assurances by British WMD inspector Dr. David Kelly – that Saddam Hussien had finally disarmed his arsenal.

Just in February 2003, Kelly had been so convinced about what the Iraqis had done because of his inspections that he assured David Boucher, Britain’s permanent represenativive to the Conference on Disarmament in Vienna, thus if the West still attacked: “I will probablay be found dead in the woods.” (Quoted from Rowena Thursby, “The David Kelly ‘Dead in the Woods’ PSYOP,” October 20, 2006, GlobalResearch, ca.) Of course, in making this prediction, Kelly was assuming that the dreaded Iraqi Mukhabarat would be his assassins because of his betrayals.

Undoubtedly, Kelly was recalling what happened to the dictator’s cousins Saddam, and his more important brother Hussein Kamel, head of Iraq’s weapons procurement program, when they defected in August 1995, and he told Rolf Ekeus, head of the UNSCOM inspectors, what had happened to Iraq’s chemical and biological weapons programs, and that Saddam Hussein was only three months away for testing an atomic bomb when Operation Desert Storm occurred in January 1991 – what forced him to let its inspectors back into the country, and resulted in the elimination of its remaining WMD.

When the dissolutioned defectors returned in February 1996 with their families from Jordon, expecting a presidential pardon, the brothers were besieged in their villa outside Baghdad by Saddam’s special forces until they ran out of ammunition, and were summarially executed while terrified relatives watched the shootout from three buses parked in its yard. No one, in sum, betrayed Iraq, and got away with it, as long as Saddam was in command.

Kelly had good reason to be concerned about his future as his past was coming back to haunt him. He was a former UNSCOM biological weapons inspector who had convinced everyone concerned that the Iraqi dictator was committed to rebuilding its WMD arsenal, thanks to the hemorrhaging of the former Soviet Union’s programs, both its expertise, and its essential components in the preparation of various weapons systems. What Kelly had told reporters like Judith Miller of The New York Times, and Tom Mangold of The Observer – what appeared respectively just at this time in Germs: Biological Weapons and American’s Secret Wars and Plague Wars: The Terrifying Reality of Bioglogical Wars – left no doubt that Saddam could launch a devastating biological attack on any enemy in the region he chose within 45 minutes no matter what efforts new inspectors made to discover it, and stop it. In short, it seemed that Kelly still did not believe Saddam’s assurances about the destruction of all WMD systems.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists then gave substance to Kelly’s apparent suspicions by publishing an article by William C. Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus in the March/April 2000 issue about Tito’s nuclear legacy, claiming that the two research reactors at Milosevic’s Vinca Institute of Nuclear Sciences, just outside Belgrade, might just be helping Saddam get his bomb. Potter was the Director of the influential Center of Nonproliferation Studies at Monterey’s Institute of International Studies (MIIS), and the two Serbs were defectors who claimed that they knew the current state of the Yugoslav nuclear program. According to them, the pariah state was at its wits’ end – given the NATO bombing campaign, the article contended – and bankrupt Serbia might just be supplying Iraq with the necessary chemists, physicists and engineers – along with 50 kilos of weapons-grade uranium and 10 kilos of low-irradiated highly-enriched uranuim that the Soviets had supplied for the reactors at Vinca – to make devastating nuclear bombs.

Of course, the reactors had long been shut down. Yugoslavia was observing the terms of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treay, and the Institute was being regularly inspected by IAEA, but this could be just a clever ploy for some kind of rogue operation with Iraq – claims which gave credibility to a defensive pact between Belgrade and Baghdad which could result in several crude bombs being fired if Iraq were attacked again. (For more on this, see Con Coughlin, Saddam: The Secret Life, p. 306ff.) After all, even Scott Ritter, UNSCOM’s chief inspector in Iraq, when he was ordered to stop inspections, and resigned, said this when departing from Iraq: “…Saddam would have as many as three nuclear weapons ready for use as soon as he laid his hands on the necessary fissile material (uranium 235 or plutonium).” (Quoted from ibid., p. 309) Ritter also revealed that he had worked with the Mossad during his seven years of alleged independent inspections of Iraq’s WMD.

What was most disturbing about these claims is that they, along with other articles Potter had written, refuted what Hussein Kamel’s defection and death had apparently accomplished. Though the claim that Serbia might well have supplied Saddam with enough uranium to create several nuclear bombs was based upon the ancient, unsubstantiated assertions of Vinca’s director Stevan Dedijer back in the 1950s, it fitted in nicely with Potter’s previous claims that Iraq still seeking to become a nuclear power. On April 3, 1998, he had an Op-Ed piece in the New York Times, “The Case Russia Forgot,” asserting that Moscow had supplied Baghdad with hundreds of sophisticated gyroscopes for missiles, “…designed to deliver nuclear-warheads to targets more than 4,000 miles away,” and in a subsequent article in the Bulletin of the Atomics Scientists, he elaborated upon the plot Moscow had apparently engaged in but continued to deny.

Rather than permit Milosevic to be exposed probably by Yugoslavia’s enemies as the provider of Iraq’s needed nuclear material – what The Daily Telegraph and The Times were committed to doing, thanks to continuing input from the Mossad, and what would obviously embroil it in the ouster of Saddam – Djindjic had worked behind the scenes to help defeat Milosevic in the election in October 2000, and then he arranged his shipment to The Hague when it seemed that Milosevic’s

remaining friends – particularly the Chinese, Israelis, and now President Kostunica – were desperate to prevent it for fear of damaging blowback about what the former President had actually done for all concerned. In the process, the Serbian Prime Minister got an additional $l billion in aid to help rebuild the country, what he helped accelerate by breaking up the socialist economy with market reforms, and then going after the old communist bureaucrats who had lined their pockets while this was occurring.

The result reduced the Yugoslav President to a mere figurehead – a condition that Serbia’s Djindjic made more obvious by adopting a loose federation with its only member remaining, Montenegro, before its expected departure too – and Kostunica was soon suspected of plotting the Prime Minister’s assassination. The only things holding it back were amassing the necessary resources to make it happen with impunity, and to make sure that Yugoslavia was not found to be the supplier to any WMD that Saddam was finally found to have, especially nuclear ones – what could only be a certainty after his regime had been smashed. Kostunica surely did not want to go to the extreme of getting rid of Djindjic, only to discover that he was left holding the bag for the previous President’s transgressions, particularly if there were several dirty bombs exploded in the process, and tens of thousands of people consequently killed.

While explaining how Washington and London were maneuvered into attacking Iraq would require a much longer article – what Israeli intelligence played such a leading role in that Ariel Sharon, soon after he was elected Prime Minister in 2001, made his campaign strategist Meir Dagan the Mossad’s director general – the whereabouts of the alleged, missing Vinca nuclear material from Yugoslavia was the driving force behind those who wanted to get rid of Saddam Hussein but the last thing they wanted to openly admit because it would show that the destruction of Milosevic’s regime had only compounded problems in the Middle East. When time for the planned showdown with Saddam came, though, Washington was in no doubt that the real danger was his having nuclear weapons – what resulted in the White House constantly alluding to nuclear mushrooms when it came to the danger Saddam presented.

As Vice President Dick Cheney told a VFW convention in Nashville on August 26, 2002, “Many of us are convinced that Saddam will acquire nuclear weapons fairly soon.” (Quoted from David Barstow, William J. Broad, and Jeff Gerth, “How the White House Embraced Disputed Arms Intelligence,” The New York Times, October 5, 2004.) The only problem was putting together a few bombs since the Iraqis already had the knowhow and equipment required.

While Cheney was certain of the immediacy of the danger – thanks to all the information that Ahmed Chalibi’s Iraqi National Congress (INC) had been able to collect for Tel Aviv – he could not afford to panic the public, so he acted as if the Iraqis were still in the process of getting the required nuclear material. The INC, based in London, and funded by the US, was Cheney’s answer to everything when it came to Iraq’s WMD. Cheney told the VFW veterans, though, that Saddam had gotten high-strength aluminum tubes to use as clandestine centrifuges for the preparation of high-grade nucelar material – reviving the worries that Potter had much earlier raised. Then Cheney claimed that the Iraqis were in the process of getting 500 tons of yellowcake from Niger that the centrifuges would diffuse the nuclear material from.

Of course, if these claims were true, the emergency was less pressing than Cheney claimed as it would take quite awhile to make the required explosive material from the source in question.

At the same time, Matthew Rycroft, Tony Blair’s private secretary for foreign affairs, put together the now famous Downing Street Memo – the precurser of the infamous Downing Street Dossier aka ‘dodgy dossier’. During the summer of 2002, SIS Director General Richard Dearlove had gone to Washington for talks about the Iraqi situation, and returned with alarming news, as Rycroft duly reported in the memo after a secret meeting of top officials at No. 10: “Military action was now seen as inevitable. Bush wanted to remove Saddam through military action, justified by the conjunction of terorrism and WMD. But the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy. The NSC had no patience with the UN route and no enthusiasm for publishing material on the Iraqi regime’s record.” (Quoted from Henry Porter, “Now we know what we know, why is Blair still in office?,” The Guardian, October 22, 2006.)

Dearlove was back at the Prime Minister’s residence on September 12th, reporting to Blair, Campbell and others drafting the Iraqi dossier that one of its agents in Baghdad had developed an informant within the Iraqi military who could confirm that Saddam could hit any target he wanted within 45 minutes with deadly chemical or biological weapons – a capability that former UNSCOM inspector Dr. Kelly had always feared but thought Saddam had rid the country of in 1998. The source of the new threat was centered around Dr Rihad Taha aka Dr Germ. “Mossad’s dossier on Dr Germ,” Gordon Thomas wrote in January just before the invasion. “details her terminal experiments on Saddam’s prisoners with anthrax, botulism, and ricin.” Dr Germ was putting into practice at places like Iraq’s Salman Park what she had learned while studying at the University of East Anglia, and doing research at Porton Down where Kelly was also based.

The Israeli government, through the Marc Rich Foundation, then panicked the West with two articles in the September 2002 issue of The Middle East Review of International Affairs which claimed that Saddam had secretly created a similar, deadly chemical and biological capability – what was so persuasive that it soon became the centerpiece of Downing Street’s October dossier about Iraq’s WMD, thanks to the drafting assistance of John Williams, the Foreign Office’s director of communications, and a close friend of Blair’s spin doctor, Alastair Campbell.

Robert G. Rabil, in “Operation ‘Termination of Traitors’: The Iraqi Regime Through Its Documents,” claimed that the Anfal chemical campaign during the final stages of the Iran-Iraq war was just a testing ground for mass, systemtic murder of its dissidents and neighbors in order to prevent the regime’s destruction – what Ibrahim al-Marachi indicated in another article that the Iraqi dictator, thanks to his overlapping, ruthless security network, had been able to keep completely secret from the outside world.

To add Saddam’s alleged biological warfare threat to the fray – what made for DCI George Tenet’s absolute confidence about finding WMD in Iraq, and was incorporated in its National Intelligence Estimate which persuaded Congress to vote for the war – MIIS’s Potter declared in an Op-Ed piece, “Invade and Unleash?,” in The Washington Post on Sepetember 22, 2002 that the return of the weapons inspectors to Iraq might quicken the use of its “deadly biological weapons assets”. Might it not be better, Potter suggested, to remove the risk by just taking out the regime immediately by mounting an invasion. “Indeed,” Potter concluded, “much as Israel’s nuclear force often is charaterized as a ‘weapon of last resort,’ so might Iraq’s biological weapons be viewed in Saddam Hussein’s mind as an asset to be employed only if his regime were on the brink of destruction (as in, ‘If we are going to go, we’ll take someone with us’.)”

When President Bush was still convinced that the biggest threat that UNSCOM faced when returning to Iraq was some kind of nuclear retaliation by Saddam – what started with the return of the inspectors, under Hans Blix, in November – Potter helped lead a letter campaign to US Senators, making sure that the government increased its program to allow Iraqi scientists and their families to leave the country so that they could safely tell investigators where all the WMD weapons were hidden without fear of reprisals. Despite the fact the Bush had been told by the CIA with “moderate confidence” that Iraq was still four to six years away from having nuclear bombs, Bush told an audience in Cinncinnati on October 7th in no uncertain terms of the risk: Facing clear evidence of peril, “we cannot wait for the final proof – the smoking gun – that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud.” (Quoted from Bob Woodward, State of Denial, p. 97.)

When the UNSCOM inspections went ahead in Iraq without any signs of it having nuclear weapons, and nothing had surfaced during the trial of Milosevic in The Hague about Israel having helped him and Saddam in various ways – Djindjic even calling the proceedings a fiasco during which the former dictator made fools out of the prosecution – Kostunica allegedly started planning the Serbian Prime Minister’s assassination. In December 2002, Cedomir Jovanovic, a former bodyguard of Milosevic’s who assisted the peaceful surrender of the former dictator in his villa, and now was Djindjic’s troubleshooter with Serbia’s underworld, apparently arranged a hit on the Prime Minister at Kostunica’s alleged behest.

He visited Zemin Gang bosses Dusan Spasojevic, a corrupt businessman and close friend of Milosevic’s, and Milora Lukovic aka ‘Legija’, former leader of the Red Berets, while they were serving time in prison. They, it seems, made a deal whereby they would be sprung from prison in return for assassinating Djindjic.

Jovanovic was most bitter about what had proved to be the totally unnecessary capture and extradition of Milosevic to the ICCY – what was established beyond all question when Mohammed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, reported to the UN Security Council on January 27, 2003, that “…we have to date found no evidence that Iraq had revived its nuclear weapons programme since the elimination of the programme in the 1990s.” During the next few months, he assured the Council, if his inspectors were allowed to continue their work, the claim, it seems, would be proven decisively.

While the two assassins recruited to kill Djindjic were released from prison in January, there were several feeble attempts before the fifth one succeeded with deadly precision. It seems they were attempting to scare Djindjic from going ahead with a growing anti-Israel agenda in Serbia’s pursuit of joining the EU – what Sweden’s Foreign Minister Anna Lindh was taking the lead in. While she wanted to see the former communist country adopt a viable form of social organization – one the West approved of – she was increasingly taking an anti-Israeli line, ultimately even calling for Brussels to break diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv. More pressing, she was vehemently opposed to the Iraq war, and the extra-judicial killings of suspected terrorists and their alleged supporters. When Djindjic went to a meeting with her on March 12, 2003, the two assassins – having lain in wait all night for the hit -killed him with shots to the chest from long range as he was getting out of his limosine for the encounter.

The highly conspiratorial character of the assassination was well demonstrated throughout, from the cameras being turned off when the killing occurred, though the cameramen was there, to the eventual shootout with the alleged assassins two weeks later. A state of emergency was declared, and over 1,000 people were arrested to make it appear that coup was underway at the expense of President Kostunica, though the Minister of Interior Dusan Mihajlovic had declared immediately that Spasojevic and Lukovic were the assassins. The security forces even demolished Spasojevic’s compound in an attempt to kill him – what set him and a Lukovic up for the fatal shootout on March 27th.

The only trouble with it – like almost all conspiracies – was that the Lukovic was not ‘Legija’ but Milan Lukovic. The famous Red Beret leader had been tipped off about it, it seems, most probably by the Mossad since it made the assassination seem just a messy Serbian matter, and fled secretly to Hungary, only to reappear 14 months later when affairs were much less volatile.

Things did not cool down because Israeli intelligence had so cooked the books when it came to Iraq’s alleged WMD – what became incorporated in the Pentagon’s war plan, and assigned to the 75th Exploitation Task Force (ETF) with NYT reporter Judith Miller embedded in its ranks to make sure that nothing was missed as the 946 locations on the WMD Master Site List were liberated. (Jeffrey Steinberg had made the contrived character of the case crystal clear when he published right before the invasion – what had helped prompt Djindjic’s murder – “Behind the Iraq Dossier Hoax: Intelligence Was Cooked in Israel,” in the February 21, 2003 issue of the Executive Intelligence Review, showing that it was almost completely copied from the Middle East Review of International Affairs September 2002 issue.) Still the Pentagon was ecstatic about the possibilies, given the WMD intelligence case Secretary of State Colin Powell had presented to the Security Council on February 5th when trying to get a resolution to approve of the war.

While during Saddam’s ouster from power, the ETF found nothing to justify Powell’s wild accusations, as Woodward has explained: “Each time they seemed to have found something that could be portrayed as a smoking gun – an alleged stockpile, a vat or even a small vial of biological weapons – it would soon be discredited.” ( p. 210.)

Bush still was over-the-top about the matter – as when he declared “Mission Accomplished” in Afghanistan – declaring on May 29th while travelling through Europe that Iraq’s WMD had, indeed, been found. While in Poland, he declared: “We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and he he said, Iraq has got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They’re illegal. They’re against the United Nations resolutions, and we’ve so far discovered two.” (Quoted from p. 209) Despite the fact that they turned out to be labs for supplying hydrogen to weather balloons, the Pentagon appointed the 1,400-man Iraq Survey Group (ISG), under the direction of veteran UNSCOM WMD inspector David Kay, to settle the controversy.

As soon as DCI George Tenet had arranged for Kay to become a member of the Agency, he wanted him to immediately start the necessary field work, but Kay wanted to read all the WMD intelligence about what had happened in Iraq since he had left UNSCOM. After a solid week of reading reports and sitting through Agency and Pentagon briefings, he was appalled by what he had learned. “It was nothing new,” Kay recalled, since the previous UNSCOM inspections ended in 1998. “Everything after that either came from a defector or came through a foreign intelligence service in an opaque sort of way.” (Quoted from p. 216.)

Kay was referring to intelligence agencies like the Mossad, Britain’s SIS, Germany’s Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) and assorted American ones, and informants like the BND’s Curveball, the Mossad’s source on Dr. Germ, and MI6’s Iraqi military informant about Saddam’s 45-minute, strategic chemical and biological threat.

Curveball, for example, turned out to be the only source for Iraq’s mobile biological weapons labs that Powell spoke so menacingly about, and Kay was “aghast” that he was never interviewed by any service but the BND and that none of them had taken seriously his known alcoholism. All that was left of Saddam’s revived nuclear program – the missing uranium 239 from Belgrade’s Vinca Institute, its Serbian scientists, the Russian gyroscopes for Saddam’s IRBMs, the Niger yellowcake, the high-specification aluminum tubes for centrifuges, etc. was the aluminum tubes, and they were apparently for simply firing rockets. And the Iraqi military intelligence officer who allegedly confirmed Kelly’s worst fears about Saddam’s chemical and biological capability had never even been contracted by MI6.

By the time Kay’s ISG completed its preliminary investigations in Iraq, all the serious claims had come to nothing. But in attributing blame for the failure, Kay was most careful not to say too much about the faults of the Mossad, MI6, and the American atomic scientists. Of course, there was no mention of the various Israeli dossiers, SIS’s operating on a completely hearsay basis, and what scientists like William Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus had published in journals like the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, much less what they had told Western intelligence services while protected by a security blanket. The closest Kay came to letting the cat out of the bag was when President Bush persisted in asking him who he thought ran the world’s best intelligence service in light of the colossal fiasco: “In my experience, it was not the British or the Israelis, despite their reputation. In my judgment, the best one is the Chinese.” (Quoted from p. 280.)

Later, we learned when Kay testified before the Senate the following January about the ISG’s conclusions that he had consulted with Dr. Kelly about the complete surprise. “Mr Kay said he had been expecting Dr. Kelly’s arrival in Iraq to help the search for biological weapons programmes, and had spoken to him shortly before his death. ‘He never had any doubts about Iraq’s programmes,’ Mr Kay said.” (Quoted from Julian Borger, “Admit WMD mistake, survey chief tells Bush,” The Guardian, March 3, 2004.)

The reason why Kelly never made it to Iraq was because he was tricked by his employer, the MOD, to talk to the BBC’s Andrew Gilligan who “sexed up” his answers so much about Iraq’s alleged WMD capability that the Prime Minister outed his identity for public ridicule and political assassination on July 17, 2003.

To facilitate this killing with the least risk and possible blowback, Dagan’s service seems to have assassinated not only German policitican Jurgen Möllemann but aslo English Royal cadet Stephen Hilder in parachute accidents, as a subsequent article will describe.

See Also previous post –

British Court to Re-examine (WMD whistleblower) David Kelly’s Death – UPDATE: They Kill It

Short link –

British Court to Re-examine (WMD whistleblower) David Kelly’s Death – UPDATE: They Kill It

19 12 2011

New Inquiry by Britain’s High court tomorrow

As told to –   Trowbridge H. Ford

Jürgen Möllemann was killed when it was feared that he would make a big deal of the Mossad having used a single sourse, Curveball, to go after Saddam’s alleged WMD – what the BND (German Bundesnachrichtendienstes ) had provided the Americans from the unreliable drunk without any confirmation – and the crazies in Washington had used to oust the Iraqi dictator.

While Bush had announced, thanks to this disinformation, at the end of May 2003 that the weapons of mass destruction had been found, the Mossad and the BND knew that they were in big trouble, especially since no-nonsense investigator David Kay had just been appointed to get to the bottom on the troubling tale.

The Germans knew that Möllemann was bound to make a big deal out of the matter when Kay reported it, so they and the Mossad got rid of him by cutting the straps on his main parachute, leading to his death on June 5, 2003.

When David Kelly joined the controversy when he told his line handler at the MoD that he was the source talking to the BBC’s Andy Gilligan, questioning the claims about Saddam having the same weapons, parachutist Stephen Hilder was killed in essentially the same way, making it look like such rare accidents are quite common, and hoping to dilute interest in what happened to Möllemann.

When this seemed to be happening, the Mossad kidon, it seems, killed Kelly on the night of July 17, 2003.

Being state-sponsored murders, it is hardly surprising that none of them have been solved in the slightest. The Möllemann and Hilder deaths are simply unexplained, and Kelly’s is being considered again by a judge of Britain’s High court tomorrow as to whether there should be a new inquest into his killing.

Links added  for background info on the parachute mysteries – F.C.

Addendum –

The German BND ( Bundesnachrichtendienstes ) took out Möllemann because the government and it were divided over Saddam’s alleged WMD.  The government voted against the resolution, calling for his ouster, though it passed because there were enough votes in the SC without it.  With the finding by Kay – what showed that Curveball should not have been believed by anyone, and Jürgen going to make a political comeback in spades because of it – the BND gave the green light to his killing, most likely by the Mossad which cut the straps on Hilder’s parachute too.


They kill the new inquiry.

Dr David Kelly inquest ruling challenge fails


Feb. 14 – Trowbridge H. Ford writes:

Readers may be interested to know that the Metropolitan police arrested last week five leaders of The Sun newspaper, the Dominc Wilsons, and an unnamed Surrey police officer.

The arrests seems to revive official interest in the murder of Dr. David Kelly.  Mrs. Kate Wilson was the Ministry of Defence’s Chief Press Officer at the time, and she and its Director of News Pam Teare worked out the details of a Question and Answer scheme for disclosing who had told the BBC’s Andrew Gilligan about Iraq’s alleged WMD during the period from July 4-9, 2003.

It seems that her husband Dominic, the privale secretary for the MoD’s permanent secretary Sir Kevin Tebbit, informed Rupert Murdoch’s Sun about what was afoot, and it hired the Surrey policeman to give it the eavesdropping ability of wireless communications to determine what was going on.  The Murdoch papers took the lead in outing Kelly – what resulted in his public humiliation, and subsequent murder.

The only problem is that a Sun reporter at the time, Sean Hoare, knew about what was going on, telling first reporters for The New York Times and then The Guardian, and then the Metropolitan police about what had gone on – resulting in his murder in July 2011. 

Now it seems that the Met, after the forced resignations of corrupt Chief Commissioner Sir Paul Stephenson and his associate John Yates just after Hoare’s murder in the hope of limiting the most damaging blowback, has revived the possibility of finding out who killed Kelly, and why unless this is just another dead end.

What may determine what results lies in the hands of Pam Teare, Kate’s former boss, and now an important official in the Crown Prosecution Service:
Will she promote going after Kelly’s killers at this late date, or will she just cover it up again?
In the meantime, I am writing a long article about the whole mess.

Emphasis ours. The next installment will be posted here. Stay tuned – F.C.

MORE on Kavid Kelly’s assassination –